Готова ли Германия не оказывать Финляндии поддержки и, прежде всего, немедленно отвести назад немецкие войска, которые продвигаются к Киркенесу на смену прежним? Подождите немного. Если воспроизведение так и не начнется, перезагрузите устройство. Welcome to Uncensor History Here at Uncensor History, we believe that all history should be free and accessible to all, regardless of how dark or evil it is. We believe that history should be preserved and. Hitler im Reichstag am 1. September 1939 Quelle: Bundesarchiv Koblenz. Кстати, цитата на немецком не бьется в отрыве от этой фотографии. September 1, 1939, justifying the German invasion of Poland. Short video clip excerpt.
Did Adolf Hitler Say 'Our Movement Is Christian'?
| Adolf Hitler Speech Compilation w/ English Subtitles | Uncensor History - YouTube | Вождь Рейха Адольф Гитлер имеет полную единодушную поддержку всего немецкого народа: какая еще демократия нужна демагогам Запада?». |
| Полный текст обращения Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 года: d_34 — LiveJournal | Adolf Hitler beeinflusste die Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts auf schreckliche Weise. Doch wie wurde er zum Diktator, der die Welt mit einem verheerenden Krieg und dem Holocaust in eine Katastrophe stürzte? |
| Цитаты Гитлера | Adolf Hitler beeinflusste die Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts auf schreckliche Weise. Doch wie wurde er zum Diktator, der die Welt mit einem verheerenden Krieg und dem Holocaust in eine Katastrophe stürzte? |
| Цитаты гитлера на немецком | My German Fellow Countrymen and Women, My Comrades! At present everybody speaks before the forum which seems to them the most fitting. Some speak before a parliament whose existence, composition and origin (are well known). I believe that I should return again today whence I came. |
| Известные фразы гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом | Содержание выступления Гитлера перед военачальниками передал в Москву немецкий коммунист и агент Коминтерна Лео Рот. |
Цитаты гитлера
Roosevelt von dieser Erde weggenommen hat, wird sich die Wende des Krieges entscheiden. April 1945; bei John Toland: Adolf Hitler. Bergisch Gladbach 1977, S. April 1945, s. Gedichte Band 5, Suhrkamp 1964 S.
Bechtle 1968. Ich denke, die Journalisten zeigten schlechten Geschmack, als sie den Mann der Stunde in Deutschland kritisierten. April 1931, S. Er spricht scharf gegen Rosenberg.
И теперь я с гордостью могу признать, что подобно тому, как наша национальная социалистическая партия всегда была укоренена в нашем народе, так и теперь мы, уже в качестве правительства, всегда думаем как народ, вместе с народом и о народе! Речь 30. Речь 02. И в будущем мы будем жить так, чтобы в глазах каждого немца мы по-прежнему оставались порядочными и честными людьми. Речь 26. Наша власть — только та, которую мы нашли и укрепили в сердцах нашего народа.
Речь 13. Речь 04. Призыв на выборы 31. Если ты бросаешь на произвол судьбы одно, тебе придется отказаться и от другого. Такой народ превращается в игрушку для чужеродных сил. Речь 27.
Ты силен, когда ты един. Чтобы быть сильным, тебе нужно победить в своем сердце дух классовой вражды и раздора. Нашему народу нужны руководители, обладающие решимостью делать все, что они сочтут правильным перед Богом, миром и собственной совестью. Причем, если понадобиться, и вопреки господствующей на данный момент точке зрения внушаемого большинства. Умело направляемая воля меньшинства всегда будет брать верх над аморфным безвольным большинством. Речь 05.
Речь 12. Эта организация будет построена на идее авторитета, идее руководства снизу доверху. Только такая организация может служить гарантией максимальной концентрации немецкой мощи! Они — его плоть и кровь, и будут оставаться таковыми столько, сколько будет жив немецкий народ. Сильное государство никогда не было и никогда не будет просто набором территорий. Главная и единственная надежная опора нашего государства — немецкий народ и национальное социалистическое Движение.
Речь 16. Второе: Решение тяжелейшей социальной проблемы путем возвращения миллионной армии наших, достойных всяческого сочувствия, безработных обратно на производство. Третье: Восстановление стабильного и авторитетного государственного руководства, опирающегося на доверие и волю нации; руководства, которое снова вернет этому великому народу способность выполнять свои обязательства перед миром. Речь 17. Наша национальная гордость заключается не в том, чтобы презирать других, а в том, чтобы уважать и любить свой народ! Речь 24.
Мы готовы протянуть руку дружбы нашим прежним оппонентам. Под самыми печальными и кровавыми строками мировой истории должна быть навсегда подведена черта. Речь 10. Он неуклонно и в первую очередь будет думать о соблюдении интересов народа в вопросах мира, работы и культуры. Я был солдатом и видел все собственными глазами, в отличие от очень многих других государственных деятелей, которые сами этого никогда не переживали. И я, разумеется, отвергаю войну.
Но отвергаю я ее не как изменник, предатель и трус, а как порядочный немец, честно выполнивший свой воинский долг на фронте, и желающий оставаться порядочным до конца. Поэтому я в равной мере не оставлю на произвол судьбы ни права немецкого народа на жизнь, ни его права на честь. Также и народом являются только те, кто способен, если потребуется, выступить как единый народ навстречу любым испытаниям. Это — не милитаризм, а закон самосохранения.
Через полчаса наблюдатели в деревушке Чаттон сообщили о тяжелом истребителе Мессершмитт Bf. Еще через час крестьянин Дэвид Маклин обнаружил на своей ферме Флорс человека, пытающегося освободиться от парашюта. Говорящий оказался немцем, представился как Альфред Хорн и заявил, что у него есть важное сообщение для герцога Дугласа Гамильтона, командира авиакрыла британских ВВС, расположенного под Эдинбургом. Вскоре задержанный оказался под арестом в казармах Мэрихилл в Глазго. Гамильтон прибыл к казармам на следующее утро и согласился поговорить с заключенным наедине. Его удивлению не было предела: немецкий летчик оказался самим Рудольфом Гессом, прибывшим с дипломатической миссией. Заместитель фюрера предлагал заключить мир: немцы и англичане родственные арийские народы, а в войне между ними гибнет лучший человеческий материал. Единственным бенефициаром этого выступают большевики, против которых необходимо объединить усилия. Гесс рассказал о планах войны против СССР и предлагал сделку: полная свобода действий для Германии в Европе в обмен на сохранение Великобританией колоний. Вдобавок, Лондону были глубоко безразличны теории об арийской расе, Гиперборее и прочие идеи Общества Туле. Нацисты на тот момент воспринимались как абсолютное зло, дикое агрессивное животное, нарушающее любые договоры и стремящееся к мировому господству силовым путем. Германия виделась британцам не потерянным братом по расе, а злобным врагом, который только что попытался склонить их к капитуляции путем ковровых бомбардировок Лондона с целью убить как можно больше мирных жителей. Поэтому Гесса не удостоили аудиенции у руководства Великобритании.
Was Sie da sagen, ist ungeheuerlich. Sie ist ohne Ehre! У них нет чести! Es hat mir jeden erdenklichen Widerstand in den Weg gelegt! Ich war nie auf einer Akademie.
Цитаты гитлера на немецком
исторические очерки, документы, материалы» (М., Изд. Discover Adolf Hitler famous and rare quotes. Share military quotes by Adolf Hitler and quotations about war and lying. "Tell a lie loud enough and long enough ". Hitler Quotes. Here are some of the best quotes ever said by Adolf Hitler. Most of them are taken from his speeches and others from his own published writings. But unlike other sites on the Internet that maintain a similar collection of Hitler quotations, this page actually quotes the date when it was said.
Adolf Hitler Speeches
A speech by Adolf Hitler on foreign policy from 1937. Полный текст обращения Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснял для немецкого народа причины нападения Германии на СССР: Немецкий народ! Вождь Рейха Адольф Гитлер имеет полную единодушную поддержку всего немецкого народа: какая еще демократия нужна демагогам Запада?». The speeches, letters, and proclamations of Adolph Hitler. Апеллируя в речи к национальному сознанию, Геббельс, возможно, ориентировался на Сталина, который через двенадцать дней после германского нападения на СССР в своём радиообращении объявил войну СССР против Германии «Великой Отечественной войной»[1]. (русский текст внизу) Russland hat eine Rede Adolf Hitlers freigegeben, nota bene mit russischen Untertiteln versehen. Die Botschaft an die Machthaber weltweit und an die "Elite" in Amerika kann deutlicher nicht sein: Was AH damals sagte, es trifft exakt auf heute zu. Es mag traurig sein, es ist wahr.
"Why We Are Antisemites" - Text of Adolf Hitler's 1920 speech at the Hofbräuhaus
During the troubled months of the past year the friendship between Germany and Poland was one of the reassuring factors in the political life of Europe. The German and Polish statements regarding these negotiations are to be found in the annexed documents. Here, too, the Peace Treaty of Versailles-of course intentionally-inflicted a most severe wound on Germany. The strange way in which the Corridor giving Poland access to the sea was marked out was meant, above all, to prevent for all time the establishment of an understanding between Poland and Germany. This problem is-as I have already stressed-perhaps the most painful of all problems for Germany.
Nevertheless, I have never ceased to uphold the view that the necessity of a free access to the sea for the Polish State cannot be ignored, and that as a general principle, valid for this case, too, nations which Providence has destined or, if you like, condemned to live side by side would be well advised not to make life still harder for each other artificially and unnecessarily. The late Marshal Pilsudski, who was of the same opinion, was therefore prepared to go into the question of clarifying the atmosphere of German-Polish relations, and, finally, to conclude an agreement whereby Germany and Poland expressed their intention of renouncing war altogether as a means of settling the questions which concerned them both. This agreement contained one single exception which was in practice conceded to Poland. It was laid down that the pacts of mutual assistance already entered into by Poland-this applied to the pact with France- should not be affected by the agreement.
But it was obvious that this could apply only to the pact of mutual assistance already concluded beforehand, and not to whatever new pacts might be concluded in the future. It is a fact that the German-Polish Agreement resulted in a remarkable lessening of the European tension. Nevertheless, there remained one open question between Germany and Poland, which sooner or later quite naturally had to be solved-the question of the German city of Danzig. Danzig is a German city and wishes to belong to Germany.
On the other hand, this city has contracts with Poland, which were admittedly forced upon it by the dictators of the Peace of Versailles. But since, moreover, the League of Nations, formerly the greatest stirrer-up of trouble, is now represented by a High Commissioner-incidentally a man of extraordinary tact-the problem of Danzig must in any case come up for discussion, at the latest with the gradual extinction of this calamitous institution. I regarded the peaceful settlement of this problem as a further contribution to a final loosening of the European tension. For this loosening of the tension is assuredly not to be achieved through the agitations of insane warmongers, but through the removal of the real elements of danger.
After the problem of Danzig had already been discussed several times some months ago, I made a concrete offer to the Polish Government.
Конечно, речь не про численность, поскольку в 1918 году Германия находилась в состоянии полного истощения всех ресурсов. Тем не менее, количество самолётов было таким, что Герингу в 1939 году и не снилось. Была наимощнейшая артиллерии, до которой Вермахту расти и расти.
Были проблемы с танками, которые немцы только начали разрабатывать.
Родившись в Австрии, Гитлер в молодости стремился стать художником, но в конечном итоге влился в политику, присоединившись к Немецкой Рабочей Партии в 1919 году. К 1921 году Гитлер стал лидером партии, переименовав ее в Национал-социалистическую немецкую рабочую партию, или НСДАП часто сокращенно называемую нацистской партией. В 1933 году Гитлер был назначен канцлером Германии, и в течение нескольких лет установил авторитарное правление, известное как Третий Райх.
For the first time in our history, The German people have found the way to a higher unity than they ever had before; and that is due to the compelling attraction of this inner feeling. Innumerable prejudices have been broken down, many barriers have been overthrown as unreasonable, evil traditions have been wiped out and antiquated symbols shown to be meaningless. From that chaos of disunion which had been caused by tribal, dynastic, philosophical, religious and political strife, the German nation has arisen and has unfurled the banner of a reunion which symbolically announces, not a political triumph, but the triumph of the racial principle. For the past four-and-a-half years German legislation has upheld and enforced this idea. Just as on January 30th, 1933, a state of affairs already in existence was legalized by the fact that I was entrusted with the chancellorship, whereby the party whose supremacy in Germany had then become unquestionable was not authorized to take over the government of the Reich and mould the future destiny of Germany; so this German legislation that has been in force for the past four years was only the legal sanction which gave jurisdiction and binding force to an idea that had already been clearly formulated and promulgated by the party. When the German community, based on the racial blood-bond, became realized in the German State we all felt that this would remain one of the finest moments to be remembered during our lives.
Like a blast of springtime it passed over Germany four years ago. The fighting forces of our movement who for many years had defended the banner of the Hooked Cross against the superior forces of the enemy, and had carried it steadily forward for a long fourteen years, now planted it firmly in the soil of the new Reich. Within a few weeks the political debris and the social prejudices which had been accumulating through a thousand years of German history were removed and cleared away. May we not speak of a revolution when the chaotic conditions brought about by parliamentary-democracy disappear in less than three months and a regime of order and discipline takes their place, and a new energy springs forth from a firmly welded unity and a comprehensive authoritative power such as Germany never before had? So great was the Revolution that its intellectual foundations are not even yet understood but are superficially criticized by our contemporaries. They talk of democracies and dictatorships; but they fail to grasp the fact that in this country a radical transformation has taken place and has produced results which are democratic in the highest sense of the word, if democracy has any meaning at all. With infallible certainty we are steering towards an order of things in which a process of selection will become active in the political leadership of the nation, as it exists throughout the whole of life in general. By this process of selection, which will follow the laws of Nature and the dictates of human reason, those among our people who show the greatest natural ability will be appointed to positions in the political leadership of the nation. In making this selection no consideration will be given to birth or ancestry, name or wealth, but only to the question of whether or not the candidate has a natural vocation for those higher positions of leadership. In this country that principle will have its political counterpart.
Is there a nobler or more excellent kind of Socialism and is there a truer form of Democracy than this National Socialism which is so organized that through it each one among the millions of German boys is given the possibility of finding his way to the highest office in the nation, should it please Providence to come to his aid. And that is no theory. In the present National Socialist Germany it is a reality that is considered by us all as a matter of course. I myself, to whom the people have given their trust and who have been called to be their leader, come from the people. All the millions of German workers know that it is not a foreign dilettante or an international revolutionary apostle who is at the head of the Reich, but a German who has come from their own ranks. And numerous people whose families belong to the peasantry and working classes are now filling prominent positions in this National Socialist State. Some of them actually hold the highest offices in the leadership of the nation, as Cabinet Ministers, Reichsstatthalter and Gauleiter. But National Socialism always bears in mind the interests of the people as a whole and not the interests of one class or another. The National Socialist Revolution has not aimed at turning a privileged class into a class which will have no rights in the future. Its aim has been to grant equal rights to those social strata that hitherto were denied such rights.
We have not ruined millions of citizens by degrading them to the level of enslaved workers. Our aim has been to educate slaves to be German citizens. One thing will certainly be quite clear to every German; and this is that revolutions as acts of terror can only be of short duration. If revolutions are not able to produce something new they will end up by devouring the whole of the national patrimony which existed before them. From the assumption of power as an act of force the beneficial work of peace must be promptly developed. But those who abolish classes for the purpose of putting new classes in their place sow the seeds of new revolutions. The bourgeois citizen who has the ruling power in his hands today will become a proletarian if he is banished to Siberia tomorrow and condemned to enforced lab our there. He will then yearn for hisday of deliverance, just as did the proletarian of former times, who now thinks that his turn has come to play the despot. Therefore the National Socialist Revolution never aimed at bringing in one class of the German people and turning out another. One the contrary, our objective has been to make it possible for the whole German people to work, not only in the economic but also in the political field, and to guarantee this possibility by organizing the various classes into one national unit.
The National Socialist Movement, however, limits its sphere of internal activity to those individuals who belong to one people and it refuses to allow the members of a foreign race to wield an influence over our political, intellectual, or cultural life. And we refuse to accord to the members of a foreign race any predominant position in our national economic system. In this folk-community, which is based on the bond of blood, and in the results which National Socialism has obtained by making the idea of this community understood among the public, lies the most profound reason for the marvelous success of our Revolution. Confronted with this new and vigorous ideal, all idols and relics of the past which had been upheld by dynastic interests, tribal affiliations and even party interests, now began to lose their glamour. That is why the whole party system of former times completely collapsed in a few weeks, without giving rise to the feeling that something had been lost. They were superseded by a better ideal. A new movement took their place. A reorganization of our people into a national unit that includes all those whose lab our is productive simply pushed aside the old organizations of employers and employees. The symbolic emblems of the recent past, which was a period of disintegration and disability, were banished, not—as in 1918 or 1919—through a resolution voted by a committee appointed to invent a new symbol for the Reich, as if the choice were to depend on the results of a prize competition. Since that day it has become the consecrated symbol of his national resurgence on land and sea and in the air.
There could be no more eloquent proof of how profoundly the German people have understood the significance of this change and new development than the manner in which the nation sanctioned our regime at the polls on so many occasions during the years that followed. So, of all those who like to point again and again to the democratic form of government as the institution which is based on the universal will of the people, in contrast to dictatorships, nobody has a better right to speak in the name of the people than I have. Among the results of this phase of the German Revolution I may enumerate the following: — 1 Since that time there is only one trustee of supreme power among the German people and that trustee is the whole people itself. Anyone who compares this state of affairs with the condition of Germany before January 1933 will realize what a tremendous transformation is indicated by these few short statements. But this transformation is only a result that has followed from carrying a fundamental axiom of the National Socialist doctrine into practical effect. This axiom is that the only reasonable meaning and purpose of all human thought and conduct cannot be to create or to maintain structures, organizations or functions made by men, but only to preserve and develop the innate character of the people itself; for Providence has given us this character as the groundwork of all our constructive efforts. Through the successful issue of the National Socialist Movement the people as such was placed above any organization, construction or function, as the sole element that is always there and will permanently abide. The meaning and purpose which Providence had in mind when it created the different races cannot be investigated by us, human beings, and no theory about it can be laid down. But the meaning and purpose of human organizations and of all human activities can be measured by asking what value they are for the maintenance of the race or people, which is the one existing element that must abide. The people—the race—is the primary thing.
Party, State, Army, the national economic structure, Justice etc, all these are only secondary and accidental. They are only the means to the end and the end is the preservation of this nation. These public institutions are right and useful according to the measure in which their energies are directed towards this task. If they are incapable of fulfilling it, then their existence is harmful and they must either be reformed or removed and replaced by something better. It is absolutely necessary that this principle should be practically recognized; for that is the only way in which men can be saved from becoming the victims of a devitalized set of dogmas in a matter where dogmas are entirely out of place, and from drawing dogmatic conclusions from the consideration of ways and means, when the final purpose itself is the only valid dogma. All of you, gentlemen and members of the German Reichstag, understand the meaning of what I have just said. But on this occasion I am speaking to the whole German people and therefore I should like to bring forward a few examples which show how important these principles were proved to be when they were put into practice. There are many people for whom this is the only way of explaining why we talk of a Nationalist Socialist Revolution, though no blood was shed and no property wrecked. For a long time our ideas of law and justice had been developing in a way that led to a state of general confusion. This was partly due to the fact that we adopted ideas which were foreign to our national character and also partly because the German mind itself did not have any clear notion of what public justice meant.
This confusion was evidenced more strikingly by the lack of inner clarity as to the function of law and justice. There are two extreme poles which are characteristic of this mental lack: —- 1 The opinion that the law as such is its own justification and hence cannot be made the subject of any critical analysis as to its utility, either in regard to its general principles or its relation to particular problems. According to this notion, the law would remain even though the world should disappear. Between these two extreme poles the idea of defending the larger interests of the community was introduced very timidly and under the cloak of an appeal to reasons of state. In contradistinction to all this, the National Socialist Revolution has laid down a definite and unambiguous principle on which the whole system of legislation, jurisprudence and administration of justice must be founded. It is the task of justice to collaborate in supporting and protecting the people as a whole against those individuals who, because they lack a social conscience, try to shirk the obligations to which all the members of the community are subject, or directly act against the interests of the community itself. In the new German legal system which will be in force from now onwards the nation is placed above persons and property. The principle expressed in that brief statement and everything it implies has led to the greatest reform ever introduced in our German legal structure. The first decisive action taken in accordance with the fundamental principle I have spoken of was the setting up not only of one legislator but also of one executive. The second measure is not yet ready but will be announced to the nation within a few weeks.
In the German penal code, which has been drawn up with this wide general perspective in view, German justice will be placed for the first time on a basis which ensures that for all time to come its duty will be to serve in maintaining the German race. Although the chaos which we found before us in the various branches of public life was very great indeed, the state of dissolution into which German economic life had fallen was still greater. And this was the feature of the German collapse that impressed itself most strikingly on the minds of the broad masses of the people. The conditions that then actually existed have still remained in their memories and in the memory of the German people as a whole. As outstanding examples of this catastrophe we found these two phenomena: — 1 More than six millions of unemployed. The area covered by the German agricultural farms that were on the point of being sold up by forced auction was as large as the whole of Thuringia more than 8. In the natural course of events the falling off in production on the one side and the decrease in purchasing power, on the other, must necessarily bring about the disruption and annihilation of the great mass of the middle class also. How seriously this side of the German distress was then felt might subsequently be measured by the fact that I had to ask for full owners for the period of four years especially for the purpose of reducing unemployment and putting a stop to the dissolution of the German agricultural population. I may further state that in 1933 the National Socialists did not interfere with any activities which were being carried out by others and which at the same time promised success. The Party was called to take over the government of the country at a moment when the possibilities of redeeming the situation in any other way had been exhausted and particularly when repeated attempts to overcome the economic crisis had failed.
After four years from that date I now face the German people and you, gentlemen and members of the Reichstag, to give an account of what has been accomplished. On this occasion I do not think you will withhold your sanction from what the National Socialist Government has done and you will agree that I have fulfilled the promises I made four years ago. It was not an easy undertaking. I am not giving away any secrets when I tell you that at that time the so-called economic experts were convinced that the economic crisis could not be overcome. In the face of this staggering situation which, as I have said, appeared hopeless to the minds of the experts, I still believed in the possibility of a German revival and particularly in the possibility of an economic recovery. My belief was grounded on two considerations: — 1 I have always had sympathy for those excited people who invariably talk of the collapse of the nation whenever they find themselves confronted with a difficult situation. What do they mean by a collapse? The German people were already in existence before they made any definite appearance in history as it is known to us. Now, leaving out entirely what their pre-historic experiences may have been, it is certain that during the past two thousand years of history, through which that portion of mankind which we call the German People has passed, unspeakable miseries and catastrophes must have befallen them more than once. Famines, wars and pestilences have overwhelmed our people and wreaked terrible havoc among them.
It must give rise to unlimited faith in the vital resources of a nation when we recall the fact that only a few centuries ago our German people, with a population of more than eighteen millions, were reduced by the Thirty Years War to less than four millions. Let us also remember that this once flourishing land was pillaged, dismembered and devastated, that its cities were burned down, its hamlets and villages laid waste, that its fields were left uncultivated and barren. Some ten years afterwards our people began again to increase in number. The cities were rebuilt and began to be filled with a new life. The fields were ploughed once more. Songs were heard along the countryside, in concord with the rhythm of that work which brought new life and livelihood to the people. Let us look back over the development, or at least that part of it known to us, through which our people have passed since those dim historic ages down to the present time. We shall then recognize how puny is all the fuss that these weakling fools make who immediately begin to talk about the collapse of the economic structure—and hence of human existence—the first moment a piece of printed paper loses its face value somewhere in the world. Germany and the German people have mastered many a grave catastrophe. Of course, we must admit that the right men were always needed to formulate the necessary measures and enforce them without paying any attention to those negative persons who always think that they know more than others.
A bevy of parliamentarian weaklings are certainly not the kind of men to lead a nation out of the slough of distress and despair. I firmly believed and was solemnly convinced that the economic catastrophe would be mastered in Germany as soon as the people could be got to believe in their own immortality as a people and as soon as they realized that the aim and purpose of all economic effort is to save and maintain the life of the nation. But unfortunately I have observed that the worst theorists are always busy in those quarters where theory has no place at all and where practical life counts for everything. It goes without saying that in the economic sphere and with the passing of time experience has given rise to the employment of certain definite principles and also definite methods of work which have been proved to be productive of good results. But all methods and principles are subject to the time element. To make hard-and-fast dogmas out of practical methods would deprive the human faculties and working power of that elasticity which alone enables them to face changing demands by changing the means of meeting them accordingly and thus mastering them. There were many persons among us who busied themselves, with that perseverance which is characteristic of the Germans, in an effort to formulate dogmas from economic methods and then raise that dogmatic system to a branch of our university curriculum, under the title of national economy. According to the pronouncements issued by these national economists, Germany was irrevocably lost. It is a characteristic of all dogmatists that they vigorously reject any new dogma. In other words, they criticize any new piece of knowledge that may be put forward and reject it as mere theory.
For the last eigtheen [sic] years we have been witnessing a rare spectacle. Our economic dogmatists have been proved wrong in almost every branch of practical life and yet they repudiate those who have actually overcome the economic crisis, as propagators of false theories and damn them accordingly. You all know the story of the doctor who told a patient that he could live only for another six months. Ten years afterwards the patient met the physician; but the only surprise which the latter expressed at the recovery of the patient was to state that the treatment which the second doctor gave the patient was entirely wrong. The German economic policy which National Socialism introduced in 1933 is based on some fundamental considerations. In the relations between economics and the people, the people alone is the only unchangeable element. Economic activity in itself is no dogma and never can be such. There is no economic theory or opinion which can claim to be considered as sacrosanct. The will to place the economic system at the service of the people, and capital at the service of economics, is the only thing that is of decisive importance here. We know that National Socialism vigorously combats the opinion which holds that the economic structure exists for the benefit of capital and that the people are to be looked upon as subject to the economic system.
We were therefore determined from the very beginning to exterminate the false notion that the economic system could exist and operate entirely freely and entirely outside of any control or supervision on the part of the State. Today there can no longer be such a thing as an independent economic system. That is to say, the economic system can no longer be left to itself exclusively. And this is so, not only because it is unallowable from the political point of view but also because, in the purely economic sphere itself, the consequences would be disastrous. It is out of the question that millions of individuals should be allowed to work just as they like and merely to meet their own needs; but it is just as impossible to allow the entire system of economics to function according to the notions held exclusively in economic circles and thus made to serve egotistic interests. Then there is the further consideration that these economic circles are not in a position to bear the responsibility for their own failures. In its modern phase of the development, the economic system concentrates enormous masses of workers in certain special branches and in definite local areas. New inventions or a slump in the market may destroy whole branches of industry at one blow. The industrialist may close his factory gates. He may even try to find a new field for his personal activities.
Смотрите также
- Навигация по записям
- Цитаты адольфа гитлера на немецком с переводом
- 45 лучших цитат Адольфа Гитлера. Афоризмы, высказывания и мысли Адольфа Гитлера —
- Adolf Hitler Quotes
Bevor Adolf Hitler berühmt wurde... (Teil 1)
- Adolf Hitler
- Фразы для татуировок на немецком языке с переводом
- Цитаты Гитлера
- Цитаты адольфа гитлера на немецком с переводом - Научные работы на
- Bevor Adolf Hitler berühmt wurde... (Teil 1)
- Adolf Hitler - Речи | Текст песни
Adolf Hitler: Rede vor dem Reichstag am 1. September 1939
Афоризмы, цитаты, высказывания знаменитых людей в переводе с немецкого на русский язык. The quote in a viral meme with the Nazi leader's picture read: "We tolerate no one in our ranks who attacks the ideas of Christianity. Our movement is Christian.". Афоризмы, цитаты, высказывания знаменитых людей в переводе с немецкого на русский язык. Meine Ehre heißt Treue! Верность – моя честь! Die große Zeit ist jetzt angebrochen. Deutschland ist nun erwacht. Die Macht haben wir nun in Deutschland gewonnen, nun gilt es das deutsche Volk zu gewinnen. Ich weiß, obwohl die hundert tausenden von euch die ihr jetzt zuhört in ganz Deutschland das in hundertausenden von euch in.
"Why We Are Antisemites" - Text of Adolf Hitler's 1920 speech at the Hofbräuhaus
Миллион Цитат. Гитлера нужно слушать, а не читать, на Гитлера надо смотреть, а не искать логику в его речах. Вождь Рейха Адольф Гитлер имеет полную единодушную поддержку всего немецкого народа: какая еще демократия нужна демагогам Запада?». Цитаты гитлера на немецком | Анекдоты, цитаты, статусы, загадки, стихи, фразы. Как и почему Адольф Гитлер и нацисты пришли к власти в Германии в 1933 3.