Цитаты, приведенные ниже, собрал Вернер Мазер, автор самой полной и авторитетной биографии Гитлера. September 1, 1939, justifying the German invasion of Poland. Short video clip excerpt. Цитаты, афоризмы на немецком с переводом. Ja, das deutsche Volk war ja damals eine Demokratie, vor uns, Und es ist ausgeplündert und ausgepresst worden. Nein, was heißt für diese internationalen Hyänen Demokratie oder autoritärer Staat? Das interessiert die gar nicht. Es interessiert sie nur eines: Ist jemand bereit, sich ausplündern.
Цитаты Гитлера на немецком
Alois Hitler war Zollbeamter und mit Klara in dritter Ehe verheiratet. Als er dann die Realschule in Linz besuchte, verschlechterten sich seine Noten drastisch, er blieb mehrmals sitzen und wechselte die Schule. Stattdessen wohnte er zusammen mit der Mutter in Linz. Teil 2 Planet Wissen.
Von funk. Karl Lueger und dem Komponisten Richard Wagner. Im Jahr darauf bekam er als ihr neuer Vorsitzender umfassende Machtbefugnisse — sein politischer Weg zur Machtergreifung begann.
Hitler sah den richtigen Zeitpunkt gekommen, um die Macht zu ergreifen.
We are here not to express sympathy for the Jews, but only to express sympathy for our own German people. As the German people again has sacrificed 160,000 dead in the eastern campaign, so the originators of this conflict must pay with their own lives. They said to us in Berlin: why are you giving us all this trouble? Liquidate them yourselves!... We must destroy the Jews wherever we find them. Without receiving a written order from Hitler, he understood that the Jews were to be exterminated, although the details had not been worked out at that time. He characterized the war as a "fight for the whole of Europe and, thereby, for the whole of civilized humanity" and a race war between Jews and " Aryans " before referencing the prophecy [124] [m] and added, "The hour will come, when the most evil enemy of the world of all time will have played his last part in Europe for at least a thousand years. He instructed Gauleiter Adolf Wagner to read a statement, in which Hitler implied that even if the war was lost, his prophecy would be fulfilled. In these matters, one must not give way to sentimentality.
If we did not fight them, the Jews would destroy us. It is a life-and-death struggle between the Aryan race and the Jewish bacillus. I can promise only one thing. They will stop laughing everywhere. And with this prophecy as well I will be proved right. He concludes that "all indicated that he had ordered and was then implementing the destruction of the Jews". About 125,000 copies of the newspaper were printed and posted in public places to be viewed by millions of people. Herf acknowledges that there is no reliable evidence as to "how many people had the intellectual curiosity, political acumen, and moral courage to conclude that this wall newspaper was an announcement of mass murder". He argued that Germany lost World War I because it did not understand the great danger posed by internal enemies and the Jews; Nazi Germany would win its war against the " half-Jew Roosevelt" because it had been enlightened. On 18 February 1943, Goebbels delivered the total war speech at the Sportpalast.
Вот что я Вам скажу, никто здесь, в Европе, не знает Россию и никогда ее не знал. Я вовсе не идеализирую русских, отнюдь, в русских все-таки слишком много азиатского. Но факт остается фактом, русская нация оказалась сильнее и выносливее в этой безумной войне, и я не удивлюсь, если спасение для белой расы придет с Востока. Это будет логично. Гитлер «Когда мы создадим Великую Германию, о нас могут думать все что угодно. У нас нет никакой необходимости цепляться за буржуазные понятия чести и морального облика. То, что они делают, виновато скрывая от других, мы делаем с чистой совестью», — заявил однажды Гитлер. Нет более тупых людей, чем американцы.
Они никогда не смогут сражаться как герои. Чем грандиознее ложь, тем легче ей готовы поверить. Говоря о завоевании мира, мы не можем не обращать внимания на шестую часть суши. Только фанатичная толпа легко управляема. Кто разрушает дело Божие, тот ополчается против воли Божьей. Удар молота судьбы, опрокидывающий одного, натыкается вдруг на сталь у другого. Даже если вы тысячу раз признаете нас виновными, вечный суд истории оправдает нас и со смехом выбросит вердикт вашего суда. Если какая-нибудь страна, подобно России, отгораживается от всего мира,то лишь с целью лишить своих граждан возможностей для сравнения.
Никогда ещё в истории ни одно государство не было создано мирной хозяйственной деятельностью. Победителя никто не спросит, правду он говорил или нет. Перед лицом великой цели никакие жертвы не покажутся слишком большими. Только безыдейные и слабоумные люди могут считать, что те или иныегосударственные границы на нашей земле являются чем-то навекинезыблемым и не подлежащим изменениям. Я пришёл в этот мир не для того, чтобы сделать людей лучше, а для того, чтобы использовать их слабости. Воспитать широкие массы народа в национальном духе можно только на путях поднятия их социального уровня. Люди бывают склонны приносить жертвы лишь тогда, когда они могутдействительно ждать успеха, а не тогда, когда бесцельность этих жертвочевидна. Светские школы недопустимы, так как в таких школах нет религиозногообучения, а общее нравственное обучение без религиозного основаниязиждится на пустоте; следовательно, воспитание личности и религиядолжны основываться на Вере.
Нам нужные верующие люди. Сила христианства состояла например вовсе не в попытках соглашения ипримирения, скажем, с близкими ему философскими мнениями древних. Она состояла в непреклонной фанатической защите только одного своегособственного учения. Каждый художник, который изображает небо зелёным, а траву голубой, должен быть подвергнут стерилизации. Чтобы излечить какую-либо болезнь, надо сначала понять, каковы её возбудители. То же самое относится и к лечению политических болезней. Никогда нельзя встретить лисы, которая обнаруживала бы какие-нибудь гуманные намерения по отношению к гусю, как никогда мы не встретим кошки, склонной к дружбе с мышами. Пока я руковожу партией, она не будет дискуссионным клубом для безродных литераторов и салонных большевиков.
В последнем счете всегда побеждает только инстинкт самосохранения. Поддавлением этого инстинкта вся так называемая человечность, являющаясятолько выражением чего-то среднего между глупостью, трусостью исамомнением, тает как снег на весеннем солнце. Высшей целью человечества является ни в коем случае не сохранениеданной государственной формы или тем более данного правительства, асохранение народного начала. Грехи против крови и расы являються самыми страшными грехами на этом свете. Нация, которая предаётся этим грехам, обречена. Будь то Ветхий Завет или Новый, нет никакой разницы: всё то же старое еврейское надувательство. Нельзя быть одновременно немцем и христианином. Надо выбрать одно.
Ich habe meine Zeit, meine Arbeitskraft und meine Gesundheit in diesen drei Jahrzehnten verbraucht. Es ist unwahr, dass ich oder irgendjemand anderer in Deutschland den Krieg im Jahre - 2 - 1939 gewollt haben. Ich habe weiter nie gewollt, dass nach dem ersten unseligen Weltkrieg ein zweiter gegen England oder gar gegen Amerika entsteht. Auch dieses Angebot kann nicht weggeleugnet werden.
Высказывания адольфа гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом
Цитаты Гитлера на немецком языке напоминают о трагических событиях и важности мира. In seiner Ansprache vor dem deutschen Reichstag am 1. September 1939 rechtfertigte Reichskanzler Adolf Hitler den deutschen Angriff auf Polen. Die Rede war nicht nur an die anwesenden Reichstagsabgeordneten gerichtet: Durch Radioübertragung und Übersetzungen wurde Sorge. Вот, что говорил Адольф Гитлер. Цитаты и афоризмы Гитлера были представлены выше. In seiner Ansprache vor dem deutschen Reichstag am 1. September 1939 rechtfertigte Reichskanzler Adolf Hitler den deutschen Angriff auf Polen. Die Rede war nicht nur an die anwesenden Reichstagsabgeordneten gerichtet: Durch Radioübertragung und Übersetzungen wurde Sorge.
Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат)
| Цитаты Гитлера на немецком | немецкий непальский нидерландский норвежский ория панджаби персидский польский португальский пушту руанда румынский русский самоанский себуанский сербский сесото сингальский синдхи словацкий словенский сомалийский суахили суданский таджикский тайский. |
| Воззвание фюрера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 г. - Нацистская пропаганда против СССР. | Цитаты Гитлера на немецком. Высказывания о любви Адольфа Гитлера. |
| Die Rede Adolf Hitlers – Речь Адольфа Гитлера « bumi bahagia / Glückliche Erde | I have very often in my lifetime been a prophet and have been mostly derided. At the time of my struggle for power it was in the first instance the Jewish people who only greeted with laughter my prophecies that I would someday take over the leadership of the state and of the entire people of. |
| Полный текст обращения Гитлера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 года | Цитаты и афоризмы Гитлера были представлены выше. |
| Ответы : Что тут говорит Гитлер? На немецком пожалуйста | Последние записи: Лабиринт английский для детей Учебник по немецкому языку для детей Оператор declare в PHP: объявление констант. |
Цитаты гитлера на немецком
Цитаты про Гитлера. Х.С. Чемберлен: То, что Германия в час величайшей беды порождает для себя некоего Гитлера, доказывает, что она жива; о том же говорят и его действия. Цитаты, приведенные ниже, собрал Вернер Мазер, автор самой полной и авторитетной биографии Гитлера. A speech by Adolf Hitler on foreign policy from 1937. Воззвание Фюрера к Германскому Народу и Нота Министерства Иностранных Дел Германии Советскому Правительству с приложениями.
Адольф Гитлер цитаты
| Цитаты Адольфа Гитлера | Афоризмы, цитаты, высказывания знаменитых людей в переводе с немецкого на русский язык. |
| TOP 25 QUOTES BY ADOLF HITLER (of 685) | A-Z Quotes | Немецкая расовая теория привела Гитлера и его друзей к тому выводу, что немцы как единственно полноценная нация должны господствовать над другими нациями. |
| Hitler Speech: April 28, 1939 | Афоризмы, цитаты, высказывания знаменитых людей в переводе с немецкого на русский язык. Meine Ehre heißt Treue! Верность – моя честь! |
Новое в блогах
- Inhaltsverzeichnis
- You are here
- Цитаты Гитлера на немецком
- Text of Hitler's Speech to Reichstag at Nuremberg
Цитаты адольфа гитлера на немецком с переводом
- Site Index
- Adolf Hitler Speech Compilation w/ English Subtitles | Uncensor History - YouTube
- Воззвание фюрера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 г. - Нацистская пропаганда против СССР.
- Speech on the Invasion of Czechoslovakia by Adolf Hitler (Fall Grün) | Alternative History | Fandom
- Воззвание фюрера к немецкому народу 22 июня 1941 г. - Нацистская пропаганда против СССР.
Цитаты гитлера на немецком
В этом письме благодарности у Гитлера было в том числе также предложение: …Эсэсовец, твоя честь называется верностью! По другой версии, фраза была произнесена Гитлером на одном из партийных собраний — после того, как подразделения берлинских СА Вальтера Штеннеса попытались штурмовать берлинское окружное правление СС и были остановлены горсткой эсэсовцев, в то время, как Йозеф Геббельс и его окружение скрылись. Значение девиза Традиционные немецкие добродетели — «честь» и «верность» или также «товарищество», «послушание» были обширно употребляемы в языке идеологии структур СС. В СС эти слова были употребимы только в адрес Адольфа Гитлера. Подобные мысли ярко выражены и в клятве эсэсовца. Я торжественно обещаю быть преданным тебе и назначенным тобой начальникам до самой смерти, да поможет мне Бог. Ich gelobe dir und den von dir bestimmten Vorgesetzten Gehorsam bis in den Tod, so wahr mir Gott helfe. Понятия «верность» и «честь» претерпели сильнейшее изменение по отношению к их традиционному значению.
Понятие «честь» теряло вследствие этого своё традиционное моральное содержание. Вечная честь солдата, который по собственным моральным принципам мог отказаться от участия в военном преступлении, больше не существовала. Это было необходимо для того, чтобы получить безусловное послушание при отдаваемых командах, нарушавших законы и выходившие за моральные рамки нормального поведения солдата. Современное положение Использование данного девиза в некоторых странах является противозаконным. Закон Запрета от 1947 года. Новое в блогах Сила народа есть ни что иное, как единодушие и внутренние связи этого народа. Речь 26.
В первую очередь мы думаем о благе нашего народа. Речь 02.
We bolded it below: English Through the limitless sense of sacrifice that already enthralls millions today, a sense of sacrifice that also reaches beyond the borders of the country. She has already driven a symbol beyond the marked German borders. It is the national color of the coming new generation. The bourgeoisie like it. Parties look beyond the border posts, the new Germany already sees the new form in front of it, which consistently overlooks this junk, a form that will create the prerequisites that are necessary on the outside. For us, Parliament is a fencing ground on which our world view is represented. In particular, we do not believe that Parliament will save Germany, that a German National Assembly could do that, rather that the idea of a leader can one day save Germany! This movement has received an extraordinary degree of freedom of operation, which in the highest sense of the word allows everything to be put aside that could in any way divide the people.
We have different faiths in Germany, but we are one: which faith conquers the other, that is not the question, rather whether Christianity stands or falls, that is the question! Today we see before us the inheritance of the people, touching everything. There is no then into which any piece of his heaven is pointed. We will never allow a religious quarrel to arise in this movement, we say rather: the church may educate the parties to religious service, we educate them to fight and to preserve its world view and its foundations! We do not tolerate anyone in our ranks who offends the ideas of Christianity, who stands up to a dissident, fights him, or provokes himself as a hereditary enemy of Christianity. This movement of ours is actually Christian. We are filled with the wish that Catholics and Protestants may find one another in the deep need of our own people. We will stop any attempt to bring religious thought up for discussion in any way within our movement. We are fighting the Center for national political reasons, not because it wants to be a Catholic party.
Anyone who compares this state of affairs with the condition of Germany before January 1933 will realize what a tremendous transformation is indicated by these few short statements. But this transformation is only a result that has followed from carrying a fundamental axiom of the National Socialist doctrine into practical effect. This axiom is that the only reasonable meaning and purpose of all human thought and conduct cannot be to create or to maintain structures, organizations or functions made by men, but only to preserve and develop the innate character of the people itself; for Providence has given us this character as the groundwork of all our constructive efforts. Through the successful issue of the National Socialist Movement the people as such was placed above any organization, construction or function, as the sole element that is always there and will permanently abide. The meaning and purpose which Providence had in mind when it created the different races cannot be investigated by us, human beings, and no theory about it can be laid down. But the meaning and purpose of human organizations and of all human activities can be measured by asking what value they are for the maintenance of the race or people, which is the one existing element that must abide. The people—the race—is the primary thing. Party, State, Army, the national economic structure, Justice etc, all these are only secondary and accidental. They are only the means to the end and the end is the preservation of this nation. These public institutions are right and useful according to the measure in which their energies are directed towards this task. If they are incapable of fulfilling it, then their existence is harmful and they must either be reformed or removed and replaced by something better. It is absolutely necessary that this principle should be practically recognized; for that is the only way in which men can be saved from becoming the victims of a devitalized set of dogmas in a matter where dogmas are entirely out of place, and from drawing dogmatic conclusions from the consideration of ways and means, when the final purpose itself is the only valid dogma. All of you, gentlemen and members of the German Reichstag, understand the meaning of what I have just said. But on this occasion I am speaking to the whole German people and therefore I should like to bring forward a few examples which show how important these principles were proved to be when they were put into practice. There are many people for whom this is the only way of explaining why we talk of a Nationalist Socialist Revolution, though no blood was shed and no property wrecked. For a long time our ideas of law and justice had been developing in a way that led to a state of general confusion. This was partly due to the fact that we adopted ideas which were foreign to our national character and also partly because the German mind itself did not have any clear notion of what public justice meant. This confusion was evidenced more strikingly by the lack of inner clarity as to the function of law and justice. There are two extreme poles which are characteristic of this mental lack: —- 1 The opinion that the law as such is its own justification and hence cannot be made the subject of any critical analysis as to its utility, either in regard to its general principles or its relation to particular problems. According to this notion, the law would remain even though the world should disappear. Between these two extreme poles the idea of defending the larger interests of the community was introduced very timidly and under the cloak of an appeal to reasons of state. In contradistinction to all this, the National Socialist Revolution has laid down a definite and unambiguous principle on which the whole system of legislation, jurisprudence and administration of justice must be founded. It is the task of justice to collaborate in supporting and protecting the people as a whole against those individuals who, because they lack a social conscience, try to shirk the obligations to which all the members of the community are subject, or directly act against the interests of the community itself. In the new German legal system which will be in force from now onwards the nation is placed above persons and property. The principle expressed in that brief statement and everything it implies has led to the greatest reform ever introduced in our German legal structure. The first decisive action taken in accordance with the fundamental principle I have spoken of was the setting up not only of one legislator but also of one executive. The second measure is not yet ready but will be announced to the nation within a few weeks. In the German penal code, which has been drawn up with this wide general perspective in view, German justice will be placed for the first time on a basis which ensures that for all time to come its duty will be to serve in maintaining the German race. Although the chaos which we found before us in the various branches of public life was very great indeed, the state of dissolution into which German economic life had fallen was still greater. And this was the feature of the German collapse that impressed itself most strikingly on the minds of the broad masses of the people. The conditions that then actually existed have still remained in their memories and in the memory of the German people as a whole. As outstanding examples of this catastrophe we found these two phenomena: — 1 More than six millions of unemployed. The area covered by the German agricultural farms that were on the point of being sold up by forced auction was as large as the whole of Thuringia more than 8. In the natural course of events the falling off in production on the one side and the decrease in purchasing power, on the other, must necessarily bring about the disruption and annihilation of the great mass of the middle class also. How seriously this side of the German distress was then felt might subsequently be measured by the fact that I had to ask for full owners for the period of four years especially for the purpose of reducing unemployment and putting a stop to the dissolution of the German agricultural population. I may further state that in 1933 the National Socialists did not interfere with any activities which were being carried out by others and which at the same time promised success. The Party was called to take over the government of the country at a moment when the possibilities of redeeming the situation in any other way had been exhausted and particularly when repeated attempts to overcome the economic crisis had failed. After four years from that date I now face the German people and you, gentlemen and members of the Reichstag, to give an account of what has been accomplished. On this occasion I do not think you will withhold your sanction from what the National Socialist Government has done and you will agree that I have fulfilled the promises I made four years ago. It was not an easy undertaking. I am not giving away any secrets when I tell you that at that time the so-called economic experts were convinced that the economic crisis could not be overcome. In the face of this staggering situation which, as I have said, appeared hopeless to the minds of the experts, I still believed in the possibility of a German revival and particularly in the possibility of an economic recovery. My belief was grounded on two considerations: — 1 I have always had sympathy for those excited people who invariably talk of the collapse of the nation whenever they find themselves confronted with a difficult situation. What do they mean by a collapse? The German people were already in existence before they made any definite appearance in history as it is known to us. Now, leaving out entirely what their pre-historic experiences may have been, it is certain that during the past two thousand years of history, through which that portion of mankind which we call the German People has passed, unspeakable miseries and catastrophes must have befallen them more than once. Famines, wars and pestilences have overwhelmed our people and wreaked terrible havoc among them. It must give rise to unlimited faith in the vital resources of a nation when we recall the fact that only a few centuries ago our German people, with a population of more than eighteen millions, were reduced by the Thirty Years War to less than four millions. Let us also remember that this once flourishing land was pillaged, dismembered and devastated, that its cities were burned down, its hamlets and villages laid waste, that its fields were left uncultivated and barren. Some ten years afterwards our people began again to increase in number. The cities were rebuilt and began to be filled with a new life. The fields were ploughed once more. Songs were heard along the countryside, in concord with the rhythm of that work which brought new life and livelihood to the people. Let us look back over the development, or at least that part of it known to us, through which our people have passed since those dim historic ages down to the present time. We shall then recognize how puny is all the fuss that these weakling fools make who immediately begin to talk about the collapse of the economic structure—and hence of human existence—the first moment a piece of printed paper loses its face value somewhere in the world. Germany and the German people have mastered many a grave catastrophe. Of course, we must admit that the right men were always needed to formulate the necessary measures and enforce them without paying any attention to those negative persons who always think that they know more than others. A bevy of parliamentarian weaklings are certainly not the kind of men to lead a nation out of the slough of distress and despair. I firmly believed and was solemnly convinced that the economic catastrophe would be mastered in Germany as soon as the people could be got to believe in their own immortality as a people and as soon as they realized that the aim and purpose of all economic effort is to save and maintain the life of the nation. But unfortunately I have observed that the worst theorists are always busy in those quarters where theory has no place at all and where practical life counts for everything. It goes without saying that in the economic sphere and with the passing of time experience has given rise to the employment of certain definite principles and also definite methods of work which have been proved to be productive of good results. But all methods and principles are subject to the time element. To make hard-and-fast dogmas out of practical methods would deprive the human faculties and working power of that elasticity which alone enables them to face changing demands by changing the means of meeting them accordingly and thus mastering them. There were many persons among us who busied themselves, with that perseverance which is characteristic of the Germans, in an effort to formulate dogmas from economic methods and then raise that dogmatic system to a branch of our university curriculum, under the title of national economy. According to the pronouncements issued by these national economists, Germany was irrevocably lost. It is a characteristic of all dogmatists that they vigorously reject any new dogma. In other words, they criticize any new piece of knowledge that may be put forward and reject it as mere theory. For the last eigtheen [sic] years we have been witnessing a rare spectacle. Our economic dogmatists have been proved wrong in almost every branch of practical life and yet they repudiate those who have actually overcome the economic crisis, as propagators of false theories and damn them accordingly. You all know the story of the doctor who told a patient that he could live only for another six months. Ten years afterwards the patient met the physician; but the only surprise which the latter expressed at the recovery of the patient was to state that the treatment which the second doctor gave the patient was entirely wrong. The German economic policy which National Socialism introduced in 1933 is based on some fundamental considerations. In the relations between economics and the people, the people alone is the only unchangeable element. Economic activity in itself is no dogma and never can be such. There is no economic theory or opinion which can claim to be considered as sacrosanct. The will to place the economic system at the service of the people, and capital at the service of economics, is the only thing that is of decisive importance here. We know that National Socialism vigorously combats the opinion which holds that the economic structure exists for the benefit of capital and that the people are to be looked upon as subject to the economic system. We were therefore determined from the very beginning to exterminate the false notion that the economic system could exist and operate entirely freely and entirely outside of any control or supervision on the part of the State. Today there can no longer be such a thing as an independent economic system. That is to say, the economic system can no longer be left to itself exclusively. And this is so, not only because it is unallowable from the political point of view but also because, in the purely economic sphere itself, the consequences would be disastrous. It is out of the question that millions of individuals should be allowed to work just as they like and merely to meet their own needs; but it is just as impossible to allow the entire system of economics to function according to the notions held exclusively in economic circles and thus made to serve egotistic interests. Then there is the further consideration that these economic circles are not in a position to bear the responsibility for their own failures. In its modern phase of the development, the economic system concentrates enormous masses of workers in certain special branches and in definite local areas. New inventions or a slump in the market may destroy whole branches of industry at one blow. The industrialist may close his factory gates. He may even try to find a new field for his personal activities. In most cases he will not be ruined so easily. Moreover, the industrialists who have to suffer in such contingencies are only a small number if individuals. But on the other side there are hundreds of thousands of workers, with their wives and children. Who is to defend their interests and care for them? The whole community of the people? Indeed, it is its duty to do so. Therefore the whole community cannot be made to bear the burden of economic disasters without according it the right of influencing and controlling economic life and thus avoiding catastrophes. It was exclusively a problem of how industrial lab our could best be employed on the one side and, on the other, how our agricultural resources could be utilized. This is first and foremost a problem of organization. Phrases, such as the freedom of the economic system, for example, are no help. What we have to do is use all available means at hand to make production possible and open up fields of activity for our working energies. If this can be successfully done by the economic leaders themselves, that is to say by the industrialists, then we are content. But if they fail the folk-community, which in this case means the State, is obliged to step in for the purpose of seeing that the working energies of the nation are employed in such a way that what they produce will be of use to the nation, and the State will have to devise the necessary measures to assure this. In this respect the State may do everything; but one thing it cannot do—-and this was the actual state of affairs we had to face—-is to allow 12. For the folk-community does not exist on the fictitious value of money but on the results of productive labor, which is what gives money its value. This production, and not a bank or gold reserve, is the first cover for a currency. And if I increase production I increase the real income of my fellow-citizens. And if I reduce production I reduce that income, no matter what wages are paid out. Members of the Reichstag: Within the past four years we have increased German production to an extraordinary degree in all branches. And the whole German nation benefits by this increase. For it there is a demand today for very many million tons of coal more than formerly, this is not for the purpose of superheating the houses of a few millionaires to a couple of thousand degrees, but rather because millions of our German countrymen are thus enabled to purchase more coal for themselves with their increased income. By giving employment to millions of German workers who had hitherto been idle, the National Socialist Revolution has brought about such a gigantic increase in German production. That rise in our total national income guarantees the market value of the goods produced. And only in such cases where we could not increase this production, owing to certain conditions that were beyond our control, there have been shortages from time to time; but these bear no proportion whatsoever to the general success of the National Socialist struggle. The four-year plan is the most striking manifestation of the systematic way in which our economic life is being conducted. In particular this plan will provide permanent employment in the internal circulation of our economic life for those masses of German lab our that are now being released from the armament industry. One sign of the gigantic economic development which has taken place is that in many industries today it is quite difficult to find sufficient skilled workmen. I am thankful that this is so; because it will help to place the importance of the worker as a man and as a working force in its proper light; and also because in doing so—though there are other motives also—we have a chance of making the activities of the party and its unions better understood and thus securing stronger and more willing support. Seeing that we insist on the national importance of the function which our economic system fulfils, it naturally follows that the former disunion between employer and employee can no longer exist. But the new State will not and does not wish to assume the role of entrepreneur. It will regulate the working strength of the nation only in so far as such regulation is necessary for the common good. And it will supervise conditions and methods of working only in so far as this is in the interests of all those engaged in work. Under no circumstances will the State attempt to bureaucratize economic life. The economic effects that follow from every real and practical initiative benefit the people as a whole. At the present moment an inventor or an economic organizer is of inestimable value to the folk community. For the future the first task of National Socialist education will be to make clear to all our fellow-citizens how their reciprocal worth must be appreciated. We must point out to the one side how there can be no substitute for the German worker and we must teach the German worker how indispensable are the inventor and the genuine business leader. It is quite clear that under the aegis of such an outlook on economic life, strikes and lock-outs can no longer be tolerated. The National Socialists State repudiates the right of economic coercion. Above all contracting parties stand the economic interests of the nation, which are the interests of the people. The practical results of this economic policy of ours are already known to you. Throughout the whole nation there is a tremendous urge towards productive activity. Enormous works are arising everywhere for the expansion of industry and traffic. While in other countries strikes or lock-outs shatter the stability of national production, our millions of productive workers obey the highest of all laws that we have in this world, namely the law of common sense. Within these four years which have passed we have succeeded in bringing about the economic redemption of our people; but we realize at the same time that the results of this economic work in town and city must be safeguarded. The first danger that threatens us here is in the sphere of cultural creativeness. And that danger comes from those who are themselves active in that sphere. For our fellow-countrymen who are engaged in artistic and cultural productivity today, or are acting as custodians and trustees of cultural works, have not the necessary intuitive faculties to value and appreciate the ideal products of human genius in this sphere. The National Socialist Movement has laid down the directive lines along which the State must conduct the education of the people.
A number of great nations do not belong to it or have left it. And nobody has on this account asserted that they were following a policy of isolation. I think therefore that on this point Mr. Eden misunderstands our intentions and views. For nothing is farther from our wishes than to break off or weaken our political or economic relations with other nations. I have already tried to contribute towards bringing about a good understanding in Europe and I have often given, especially to the British people and their Government, assurance of how ardently we wish for a sincere and cordial cooperation with them. I admit that on one point there is a wide difference between the views of the British Foreign Secretary and our views; and here it seems to me that this is a gap which cannot be filled up. Eden declares that under no circumstances does the British Government wish to see Europe torn into two halves. Unfortunately, this desire for unity has not hitherto been declared or listened to. And now the desire is an illusion. For the fact is that the division into two halves, not only of Europe but also of the whole world, is an accomplished fact. It is to be regretted that the British Government did not adopt its present attitude at an earlier date, that under all circumstances a division of Europe must be avoided; for then the Treaty of Versailles would not have been entered into. This Treaty brought in the first division of Europe, namely a division of the nations into victors on the one side and vanquished on the other, the latter nations being outlawed. Through this division of Europe nobody suffered more than the German people. That this division was wiped out, so far as concerns Germany, is essentially due to the National Socialist Revolution and this brings some credit to myself. The second division has been brought about by the proclamation of the Bolshevic doctrine, an integral feature of which is that they do not confine it to one nation but try to impose it on all the nations. Here it is not a question of a special form of national life in Russia but of the Bolshevic demand for a world revolution. If Mr. Eden does not look at Bolshevism as we look at it, that may have something to do with the position of Great Britain and also with some happenings that are unknown to us. But I believe that nobody will question the sincerity of our opinions on this matter, for they are not based merely on abstract theory. For Mr. Eden Bolshevism is perhaps a thing which has its seat in Moscow, but for us in Germany this Bolshevism is a pestilence against which we have had to struggle at the cost of much bloodshed. It is a pestilence which tried to turn our country into the same kind of desert as is now the case in Spain; for the habit of murdering hostages began here, in the form in which we now see it in Spain. National Socialism did not try to come to grips with Bolshevism in Russia, but the Jewish international Bolshevics in Moscow have tried to introduce their system into Germany and are still trying to do so. Against this attempt we have waged a bitter struggle, not only in defence of our own civilization but in defence of European civilization as a whole. In January and February of the year 1933, when the last decisive struggle against this barbarism was being fought out in Germany, had Germany been defeated in that struggle and had the Bolshevic field of destruction and death extended over Central Europe, then perhaps a different opinion would have arisen on the banks of the Thames as to the nature of this terrible menace to humanity. For since it is said that England must be defended on the frontier of the Rhine she would then have found herself in close contact with that harmless democratic world of Moscow, whose innocence they are always trying to impress upon us. Here I should like to state the following once again: — The teaching of Bolshevism is that there must be a world revolution, which would mean world-destruction. If such a doctrine were accepted and given equal rights with other teachings in Europe, this would mean that Europe would be delivered over to it. As far as Germany itself is concerned, let there be no doubts on the following points: — 1 We look on Bolshevism as a world peril for which there must be no toleration. It is in accordance with this attitude of ours that we should avoid close contact with the carriers of these poisonous bacilli. And that is also the reason why we do not want to have any closer relations with them beyond the necessary political and commercial relations; for if we went beyond these we might thereby run the risk of closing the eyes of our people to the danger itself. I consider Bolshevism the most malignant poison that can be given to a people. And therefore I do not want my own people to come into contact with this teaching. As a citizen of this nation I myself shall not do what I should have to condemn my fellow-citizens for doing. I demand from every German workman that he shall not have any relations with these international mischief-makers and he shall never see me clinking glasses or rubbing shoulders with them. Moreover, any further treaty connections with the present Bolshevic Russia would be completely worthless for us. It is out of the question to think that National Socialist Germany should ever be bound to protect Bolshevism or that we, on our side, should ever agree to accept the assistance of a Bolshevic State. For I fear that the moment any nation should agree to accept such assistance, it would thereby seal its own doom. I must also say here that I do not accept the opinion which holds that in the moment of peril the League of nations could come to the rescue of the member States and hold them up by the arms, as it were. Eden stated in his last address that deeds and not speeches are what matters. On that point I should like to call attention to the fact that up to now the outstanding feature of the League of Nations has been talk rather than action. There was one exception and in that case it would probably have been better to have been content with talk. In this one case, as might have been foreseen, action was fruitless. Hence, just as I have been forced by economic circumstances to depend on our own resources principally for the maintenance of my people, so also I have been forced in the political sphere. And we ourselves are not to blame for that. Three times I have made concrete offers for armament restriction or at least armament limitation. These offers were rejected. In this connection I may recall the fact that the greatest offer which I then made was that Germany and France together should reduce their standing armies to 300,000 men; that Germany, Great Britain and France, should bring down their air force to parity and that Germany and Great Britain should conclude a naval agreement. Only the last offer was accepted and it was the only contribution in the world to a real limitation of armaments. The other German proposals were either flatly refused or were answered by the conclusion of those alliances which gave Central Europe to Soviet Russia as the field of play for its gigantic forces. Eden speaks of German armaments and expects a limitation of these armaments. We ourselves proposed this limitation long ago. But it had no effect because, instead of accepting our proposal, treaties were made whereby the greatest military power in the world was, according to the terms of the treaties and in fact, introduced into Central Europe. In speaking of armaments it would be well to mention in the first instance the armaments possessed by that Power which sets the standard for the armaments of all others. Eden believes that in the future all States should possess only the armament which is necessary for their de fence. I do not know whether and how far Mr. Eden has sounded Moscow on the question of carrying that excellent idea into effect, and I do not know what assurances they have given from that quarter. I think however that I ought to put forward one point in this connection. Each nation has the right to judge this for itself, and it alone has the right. If therefore Great Britain today decides for herself on the extent of her armaments everybody in Germany will understand her action; for we can only think of London alone as being competent to decide on what is necessary for the protection of the British Empire. On the other hand I should like to insist that the estimate of our protective needs, and thus of the armament that is necessary for the de fence of our people, is within our own competency and can be decided only in Berlin. I believe that the general recognition of these principles will not render conditions more difficult but will help to release tension. Anyhow Germany is pleased at having found friends in Italy and Japan who hold the same views as ourselves and we should be still more pleased if these convictions were widespread in Europe. Therefore nobody welcomed more cordially than we did the manifest lessening of tension in the Mediterranean, brought about by the Anglo-Italian agreement. We believe that this will first of all lead to an understanding which may put a stop to, or at least limit, the catastrophe from which poor Spain is suffering. Germany has no interests in that country except the care of those commercial relations which Mr. Eden himself declares to be so important and useful. Our sympathies with General Franco and his Government are in the first place of a general nature and, secondly, they arise from a hope that the consolidation of a real National Spain may lead to a strengthening of economic possibilities in Europe. We are ready to do everything which in any way may contribute towards the restoration of order in Spain. But I think that the following considerations should not be left out of account: — During the last hundred years a number of new nations have been created in Europe which formerly, because of their disunion and weakness, were of only small economic importance and of no political importance at all. Through the establishment of these new States new tensions have naturally arisen. True statesmanship however must face realities and not shirk them. The Italian nation and the new Italian State are realities. The German nation and the German Reich are likewise realities. And for my my own fellow citizens I should like to state that the Polish nation and the Polish State have also become realities. Also in the Balkans nations have reawakened and have built their own States. The people who belong to those States want to live and they will live. The unreasonable division of the world into nations that have and nations that have not will not remove or solve that problem, no more than the internal social problems of the nations can be simply solved through more or less clever phrases. For thousands of years the nations asserted their vital claims by the use of power. If in our time some other institution is to take the place of this power for the purpose or regulating relations between the peoples, then it must take account of natural vital claims and decide accordingly. It is the task of the League of Nations only to guarantee the existing state of the world and to safeguard it for all time, then we might just as well entrust it with the task of regulating the ebb and flow of the tides or directing the Gulf Stream into a definite course for the future. But the League of Nations will not be able to do the one or the other. The continuance of its existence will in the long run depend on the extent to which it realize that the necessary reforms which concern international relations must be carefully considered and put into practice. The German people once built up a colonial Empire without robbing anyone and without violating any treaty. And they did so without any war. That colonial Empire was taken away from us. And the grounds on which it was sought to excuse this act are not tenable. First: It was said that the natives did not want to belong to Germany. Who asked them if they wished to belong to some other Power? And when were these natives ever asked if they had been contented with the Power that formerly ruled them? Second: It is stated that the colonies were not administered properly by the Germans. Now, Germany had these colonies only for a few decades. Great sacrifices were made in building them up and they were in a process of development which would have led to quite different results than in 1914. But anyhow the colonies had been so developed by us that other people considered it worth while to engage in a sanguinary struggle for the purpose of taking them from us. Third: It is said that they are of no real value. If that is the case then they can be of no value to other States also. And so it is difficult to see why they keep them. Moreover, Germany has never demanded colonies for military purposes, but exclusively for economic purposes. It is obvious that in times of general prosperity the value of certain territories may decrease, but it is just as evident that in times of distress such value increases. Today Germany lives in a time of difficult struggle for foodstuffs and raw materials. Sufficient imports are conceivable only if there be a continued and lasting increase in our exports. Therefore, as a matter of course, our demand for colonies for our densely populated country will be put forward again and again. In concluding my remarks on this subject I should like to note a few points concerning the possible ways which may lead to a general pacification of Europe, which might also be extended outside Europe. They are the most important conditions for lasting and solid economic and political relations between the peoples. A few weeks ago we saw how an organized band of international war mongers spread a mass of lies which almost succeeded in raising mistrust between two nations and might easily have led to worse consequences than actually followed. I greatly regret that the British Foreign Secretary did not categorically state that there was not one word of truth in those calumnies about Morocco which had been spread by these international war mongers. Thanks to the loyalty of a foreign diplomat and his Government, it was possible to clear up this extraordinary situation immediately. Supposing another case arose in which it turned out impossible to establish the truth so readily, what then would happen? Germany is hoping to have close and friendly relations with Italy. May we succeed in paving the way for such relations with other European countries. The German Reich will watch over its security and honor with its strong army. On the other hand, convinced that there can be no greater treasure for Europe than peace, it will always be a reasonable supporter of those European ideals of peace and will be always conscious of its responsibilities. This would lead to a decisive lessening of tension between the nations who are forced to live side by side, and whose State frontiers are not identical with the ethnical frontiers. In concluding these remarks I should like to deal with the document which the British Government addressed to the German Government on the occasion of the occupation of the Rhineland. I should like first to state that we believe and are convinced that the British Government at that time did everything to avoid an increase of tension in the European crisis, and that the document in question owes its origin entirely to the desire to make a contribution towards disentangling the situation of those days. Nevertheless, it was not possible for the German Government, for reasons which the Government of Great Britain will appreciate, to reply to those questions. We preferred to settle some of those questions in the most natural way by the practical building up of our relations with our neighbors. I believe that this statement will be understood by all. Moreover, with all my heart I hope that the intelligence and goodwill of responsible European Governments will succeed, despite all opposition, in preserving peace for Europe. Peace is our dearest treasure. Whatever contributions Germany can make towards preserving it, these she will make. Before concluding my address today I should like to give a short sketch of the tasks that lie ahead of us. In the carrying out of the Four Years Plan lies our first task. It will call for gigantic efforts but eventually it will turn out a great blessing for our people. Its purpose is to strengthen our national economic system in all its branches. The execution of it is guaranteed. All those great works which have been started apart from this plan will be continued. Their purpose is to promote the health of the nation and make life more pleasant. Building extensions will be systematically carried out in some of our large cities, as an externalization of the spirit that actuates this great plan. And that order will be based on such spacious plans as will be worthy of the National Socialist Movement and also of the German metropolis. We have allotted a period of twenty years for the carrying out of this plan. May the Almighty God grant us a time of peace in which to bring this gigantic work to completion. But this work will only be the counterpart of a general cultural development which we wish to see taking place in Germany, as the crowning achievement to the restoration of our internal and external freedom. And, finally, it will be one of our future tasks to give the German people a Constitution which will be in harmony with the real life of our people, as that life has developed politically. This Constitution will place its seal on this life for all time to come and will be an imperishable and fundamental law for all Germans.
Высказывания адольфа гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом
Речь 07. Речь 22. Мы верим в то, что своей борьбой мы лишь исполняем волю Создателя, наделившего каждое живое существо инстинктом самосохранения. Да будет жить наш народ! Прокламация 01. Важно только одно — чтобы был наш народ! Речь 28. Но, если мы спасем Германию, мы сделаем самое благое дело в мире. Пусть говорят, что мы не всегда справедливы!
Но, если мы спасем Германию, мы устраним величайшую несправедливость в мире. Пусть говорят, что мы не достаточно нравственны! Но, если наш народ будет спасен, мы возродим истинную нравственность! Речь 19. Речь 01. Я всегда добросовестно старался преобразовать авторитет власти в силу доверия. И теперь я с гордостью могу признать, что подобно тому, как наша национальная социалистическая партия всегда была укоренена в нашем народе, так и теперь мы, уже в качестве правительства, всегда думаем как народ, вместе с народом и о народе! Речь 30.
Речь 26. В первую очередь мы думаем о благе нашего народа. Речь 02. И в будущем мы будем жить так, чтобы в глазах каждого немца мы по-прежнему оставались порядочными и честными людьми. Наша власть — только та, которую мы нашли и укрепили в сердцах нашего народа. Речь 13. Речь 04. Призыв на выборы 31.
Если ты бросаешь на произвол судьбы одно, тебе придется отказаться и от другого. Такой народ превращается в игрушку для чужеродных сил. Речь 27. Ты силен, когда ты един. Чтобы быть сильным, тебе нужно победить в своем сердце дух классовой вражды и раздора. Как только мы заканчиваем разработку какого-либо закона, я выношу его проект на рассмотрение этих людей и спрашиваю их: «Пожалуйста, что здесь неправильно? При этом они знают, что мне не нужны советчики, умеющие только «поддакивать». Наоборот, мне требуется от них аргументированная критика тех недостатков наших мероприятий, которые способны затруднить их проведение в жизнь.
Уж если наш народ в чем и нуждается, то только не в парламентских вождях. Нашему народу нужны руководители, обладающие решимостью делать все, что они сочтут правильным перед Богом, миром и собственной совестью. Причем, если понадобиться, и вопреки господствующей на данный момент точке зрения внушаемого большинства. Умело направляемая воля меньшинства всегда будет брать верх над аморфным безвольным большинством. Речь 05. Речь 12. Эта организация будет построена на идее авторитета, идее руководства снизу доверху. Только такая организация может служить гарантией максимальной концентрации немецкой мощи!
Это государство переживает сейчас пору своей юности. По прошествии столетий оно достигнет зрелости, и можете быть уверены - ему суждено прожить не одну тысячу лет! Они — его плоть и кровь, и будут оставаться таковыми столько, сколько будет жив немецкий народ. Сильное государство никогда не было и никогда не будет просто набором территорий. Главная и единственная надежная опора нашего государства — немецкий народ и национальное социалистическое Движение. Речь 16. Второе: Решение тяжелейшей социальной проблемы путем возвращения миллионной армии наших, достойных всяческого сочувствия, безработных обратно на производство. Третье: Восстановление стабильного и авторитетного государственного руководства, опирающегося на доверие и волю нации; руководства, которое снова вернет этому великому народу способность выполнять свои обязательства перед миром.
Речь 17. Хотя, лиха беда - начало, можно докатиться и до того, что жизнь какого-нибудь народа перестанет быть его внутренним делом , а окажется в абсолютной зависимости от воли иностранцев и будет полностью определяться внешнеполитической коньюнктурой. Нельзя, однако, сказать, что такое положение является нормальным или желательным. Просто, так может случиться. И тогда самое главное — чтобы этому народу удалось создать предпосылки для изменения такого положения. Именно потому, что мы — националисты, мы уважаем национальные чувства других народов. Наша национальная гордость заключается не в том, чтобы презирать других, а в том, чтобы уважать и любить свой народ! Речь 24.
Мы готовы протянуть руку дружбы нашим прежним оппонентам. Под самыми печальными и кровавыми строками мировой истории должна быть навсегда подведена черта. Речь 10. Неверный путь привел к печальным результатам. Он неуклонно и в первую очередь будет думать о соблюдении интересов народа в вопросах мира, работы и культуры. Я был солдатом и видел все собственными глазами, в отличие от очень многих других государственных деятелей, которые сами этого никогда не переживали. И я, разумеется, отвергаю войну. Но отвергаю я ее не как изменник, предатель и трус, а как порядочный немец, честно выполнивший свой воинский долг на фронте, и желающий оставаться порядочным до конца.
Поэтому я в равной мере не оставлю на произвол судьбы ни права немецкого народа на жизнь, ни его права на честь. Интервью 05. Самонадеянные попытки примерно «наказать» большой народ путем удаления его с исторической сцены не могут продолжаться вечно, и однажды им непременно будет положен конец. Сколько еще можно всерьез рассчитывать на то, что великая нация будет и далее покорно терпеть подобную несправедливость по отношению к себе? Что значит сиюминутный произвол победителей в сравнении с веками исторического развития? Немецкий народ обязательно вернет себе свое законное место среди европейских народов. Даже - если эти наши права уже были пущены с молотка жалкой кучкой грязных политиков. Эти политики оказались проходящими, а вот Германия останется вечной!
Прокламация 05. Вам никогда нас не сломить, не заставить смириться с вашим ярмом! Вам больше не удастся принудить немецкий народ отказаться от его требования равноправия с другими народами! Но — ни в коем случае не лишенными чести! Интервью 16. Никто в мире не имеет права лишать этого великую нацию, и ни у кого не хватит сил долго удерживать ее в таком положении. Речь 23. Я был бы счастлив, если бы этот злосчастный психоз наконец закончился и обе родственные нации смогли бы вновь обрести прежнюю дружбу.
Основной принцип, которым руководствуется немецкое правительство в своей внешней политике , заключается в том, что наше отношение к другим странам определяется отнюдь не тем, какого рода конституцию и форму правления избрали для себя народы этих стран.
Кроме того, я должен обсудить это с моими союзниками. Согласна ли Германия на это или нет?
Мой ответ: Германия в любое время готова дать свое согласие на изменение Статута Монтрё1 в пользу черноморских государств. Германия не согласна на присвоение русскими опорных пунктов в проливах. Здесь я занял единственную позицию, которую я мог занять как ответственный вождь Германии, а также как ответственный представитель европейской культуры и цивилизации.
Последствием было усиление советской деятельности, направленной против Германии, и, прежде всего, немедленно начатое внутреннее разлагание2 нового румынского государства и попытка устранения болгарского правительства путем пропаганды. При помощи увлеченных неопытных членов румынского легиона удалось инсценировать в Румынии путч, целью которого было свержение главы государства генерала Анто-неску и создание хаоса в стране, чтобы путем уничтожения законной власти устранить предпосылку для вступления в силу обещанной германской гарантии. В немецком оригинале «Status von Montreux» S.
В немецком оригинале «разложение изнутри» — «inneren Aushoehlung» S. Несмотря на это, я все же считал лучшим хранить молчание. Тотчас же после неудачи этого предприятия началась вторичная усиленная концентрация русских войск на германской восточной границе.
Бронированные1 и парашютные части перебрасывались во все возрастающем числе непосредственно к германской границе. Германская армия и страна знают, что еще несколько недель тому назад на нашей восточной границе не находилось ни одной танковой или моторизованной дивизии. Однако, если требовалось последнее доказательство, несмотря на все диверсии и маскировку, для подтверждения наличия тем временем создавшейся коалиции между Англией и Советской Россией, то оно было представлено югославским конфликтом В то время, как я старался сделать последнюю попытку умиротворения Балкан и в дружеском сотрудничестве с Дуче пригласил Югославию присоединиться к Пакту трех держав, Англия и Советская Россия в совместной работе организовали путч, который в одну ночь устранил тогдашнее правительство, склонное к взаимопониманию.
Теперь может быть сообщено германскому народу, что сербский государственный переворот, направленный против Германии, произошел не только под знаком английской, но главным образом под знаком советской агитации. Так как мы и тут хранили молчание, советское правительство предприняло еще один шаг. Оно не только организовало путч, но несколько дней спустя заключило всем известное дружеское соглашение с подвластными ему новыми "людьми"2 с целью укрепить сербов в их оппозиции против умиротворения Балкан и возбудить их против Германии.
В немецком оригинале — «Panzerverbaende» — Panzerbrigade, Panzerdivison S. Здесь и далее по тексту — «танковые соединения, танковые бригады, танковые дивизии». В немецком оригинале «с новыми ставленниками» — «mil den ihr ergebenen neuen Kreatur» S.
И это не было платоническим намерением: Москва потребовала мобилизации сербской армии. Так как и теперь я все еще считал лучшим не говорить, власть имущие Кремля сделали еще один шаг вперед: Германское правительство имеет теперь документы, которые доказывают, что с целью окончательно завлечь Сербию в борьбу Россия обещала поставлять через Салоники оружие, самолеты, боеприпасы и прочий военный материал для борьбы против Германии. И это происходило почти в тот самый момент, когда я сам дал совет японскому министру иностранных дел д-ру Мацуоке примириться с Россией в надежде послужить этим делу мира.
Только быстрый прорыв наших несравненных дивизий в Скопье, а также занятие Салоник, помешали намерениям этого советско-англо-саксонского комплота. Сербские военные летчики, однако, прилетели в Россию и были сейчас же приняты там как союзники. Только победа держав Оси на Балканах разрушила план впутать Германию этим летом в борьбу на Юго-востоке, длящуюся месяцы, а в это время закончить концентрацию советской армии, усилить ее боеспособность, чтобы потом совместно с Англией и с помощью ожидаемых американских поставок быть в состоянии задушить и раздавить Германию и Италию.
Этим самым Москва не только нарушила условия нашего дружеского пакта, но и изменила ему самым жалким образом. И все это происходило в то время, когда власть имущие Кремля до последней минуты официально, как и в случаях Финляндии и Румынии, лицемерно говорили о мире и дружбе и составляли с виду безвредные опровержения. Однако, если до сих пор в силу обстоятельств я был принужден постоянно молчать, то теперь настал момент, когда дальнейшее созерцание являлось бы не только греховным упущением, но и преступлением по отношению к германскому народу и ко всей Европе.
Сегодня круглым числом 160 русских дивизий стоят у нашей границы. В течение многих недель происходит постоянное нарушение этой границы не только у нас, но также и на Крайнем Севере и в Румынии. Русским летчикам доставляет удовольствие беспечно не замечать этих границ, чтобы доказать нам этим, что они уже чувствуют себя господами этих областей.
В ночь с 17 на 18 июня русский патруль перешел на германскую территорию, и только после продолжительной перестрелки удалось принудить его уйти обратно. Теперь, наконец, настал час, когда становится необходимым выступить против этого комплота еврейско-англо-саксонских подстрекателей к войне и в такой же степени еврейских власть имущих большевистского московского центра. В данный момент совершается поход, который по протяжению и объему является величайшим из виданных до сих пор миром.
Вместе с финскими товарищами бойцы победителя при Нарвике стоят у Северного Ледовитого океана. Германские дивизии под командой завоевателя Норвегии защищают совместно с финляндскими1 героями свободы под предводительством их маршала финскую землю. От Восточной Пруссии до Карпат тянутся части германского Восточного фронта.
На берегах Прута, у устья Дуная до берега Черного моря, под предводительством главы государства генерала Антонеску, соединяются немецкие и румынские солдаты. Поэтому задачей этого фронта является уже не защита отдельных стран, а безопасность Европы, а с этим и спасение всех.
I now make this offer known to you, Gentlemen, and you yourselves will judge whether this offer did not represent the greatest imaginable concession in the interests of European peace. As I have already pointed out, I have always seen the necessity of an access to the sea for this country, and have consequently taken this necessity into consideration. I am no democratic statesman, but a National Socialist and a realist. I considered it, however, necessary to make it clear to the Government in Warsaw that just as they desire access to the sea, so Germany needs access to her province in the east. Now these are all difficult problems.
It is not Germany who is responsible for them, however, but rather the jugglers of Versailles, who either in their maliciousness or their thoughtlessness placed 100 powder barrels round about in Europe, all equipped with hardly extinguishable lighted fuses. These problems cannot be solved according to old-fashioned ideas; I think, rather, that we should adopt new methods. Their importance is exclusively psychological and economic. To accord military importance to a traffic route of this kind, would be to show oneself completely ignorant of military affairs. Consequently, I have had the following proposal submitted to the Polish Government:- 1 Danzig returns as a Free State into the framework of the German Reich. In return, Germany is prepared:- 1 To recognise all Polish economic rights in Danzig. The Polish Government have rejected my offer and have only declared that they are prepared 1 to negotiate concerning the question of a substitute for the Commissioner of the League of Nations and 2 to consider facilities for the transit traffic through the Corridor.
I have regretted greatly this incomprehensible attitude of the Polish Government, but that alone is not the decisive fact, the worst is that now Poland, like Czecho-Slovakia a year ago, believes, under the pressure of a lying international campaign, that it must call up troops, although Germany on her part has not called up a single man and had not thought of proceeding in any way against Poland. As I have said, this is in itself very regrettable and posterity will one day decide whether it was really right to refuse this suggestion made this once by me. This-as I have said-was an endeavour on my part to solve a question which intimately affects the German people by a truly unique compromise, and to solve it to the advantage of both countries. According to my conviction Poland was not a giving party in this solution at all but only a receiving party, because it should be beyond all doubt that Danzig will never become Polish. The intention to attack on the part of Germany, which was merely invented by the international press, led as you know to the so-called guarantee offer and to an obligation on the part of the Polish Government for mutual assistance, which would also, under certain circumstances, compel Poland to take military action against Germany in the event of a conflict between Germany and any other Power and in which England, in her turn, would be involved. This obligation is contradictory to the agreement which I made with Marshal Pilsudski some time ago, seeing that in this agreement reference is made exclusively to existing obligations, that is at that time, namely, to the obligations of Poland towards France of which we were aware.
This is true inner experience, unlike the other ones, which are only superficial swindle Applause , set in the world with an intent to gradually destroy in the people any healthy idea and to whip the people into a state in which no one can understand whether the times are crazy, or whether he himself is mad. Big laughter and applause.
Just as he works in painting, sculpture and music, so he does in poetry and especially in literature. Here he has a great advantage. What has become of it? A place which today you are ashamed to enter unless someone might notice you the moment you go in. And if theater has become a hotbed of vice and shamelessness, then a thousand times more so that new invention which perhaps comes from genial inspiration, but which the Jew understood right away to remodel into the filthiest business that you can imagine: the cinema. Thunderous applause and clapping. At first people attached greatest hopes to this brilliant invention. It could become an easy mediator of profound knowledge for the entire people of the world.
And what has become of it? It became the mediator of the greatest and the most shameless filth. The Jew works on. For him there is no spiritual sensitivity, and just as his forefather Abraham was selling his wife, he finds nothing special about the fact that today he sells girls, and through the centuries we find him everywhere, in North America as in Germany, Austria-Hungary and all over the East, as the merchant of the human commodity and it can not be denied away; even the greatest Jew defender cannot deny that all of these girl-dealers are Hebrews. This subject is atrocious. According to Germanic sentiment there would be only one punishment for this: death. For people that play fast and loose, regarding as a business, as a commodity, what for millions of others means greatest happiness or greatest misfortune. For them love is nothing more than business in which they make money.
They are always ready to tear apart the happiness of any marriage, if only 30 pieces of silver can be made. It was played up by the Jews and became very popular. So we should not be surprised when he also attacks what many people even today are not indifferent to, and what to many at least can give inner peace — religion. Also here we see the same Jew who himself has enough religious customs which others could easily mock, but no one does, as we, in principle, never ridicule religion because it is sacred to us. But he tries to destroy everything without offering a substitute. Who today, in this age of the vilest deceit and swindle, is detached from it; for him there are just two more possibilities, either he hangs himself in despair or becomes a crook. Instead of the authority of reason, there enters the authority of the great spongy majority led by the Jew, because the Jew is always going through three periods. First, autocratically-minded, ready to serve any prince, he then descends to the people, fighting for democracy, of which he knows that it will be in his hand, and steered by him; he owns it, he becomes a dictator.
Hear, hear And we see this today in Russia, where a Lenin has just assured that the councils are already outlived, and that now it is not absolutely necessary that a proletarian state be led through one council or parliament, that it is sufficient that 2 or 3 proletarian-minded people govern this country. These proletarian-minded persons are some Jewish billionaires, and we know very well that behind 2 or 3 proletarians ultimately stands another organization which is outside of the state: the Alliance Israelite and their grandiose propaganda organization and the organization of Freemasonry. Loud applause and clapping of hands And in all these things we must understand that there are no good or evil Jews. Here everyone works exactly according to the instincts of his race, because the race, or should we say, the nation and its character, as the Jew himself explains, lies in blood, and this blood is forcing everyone to act according to these principles, whether he is the leading mind in a party that calls itself democratic, or calls itself socialist, or a man of science, literature, or just an ordinary exploiter. The political organization And when we see, for example, in these Jewish magazines, that it is specified that every Jew everywhere is obligated to fight against any antisemite, wherever and whoever he is, then it follows by deduction that every German, wherever and whoever he is, will become an antisemite. Because it seems inseparable from the social idea and we do not believe that there could ever exist a state with lasting inner health if it is not built on internal social justice, and so we have joined forces with this knowledge and when we finally united, there was only one big question: How should we actually baptize ourselves? A party? A bad name!
When I hear that word I go mad. Economic organizing only — here lies the salvation and the future. Stormy applause Since it is clear that scientific knowledge is worthless as long as this knowledge is not a basis for an organization of the masses for the implementation of what we consider necessary, and it is further clear that for this organization only the broad masses of our people can be considered. Loud applaus. The salvation can never come from above, it can and will only come from the masses, from the bottom up. Applause And as we came to this realization and decided to form a party, a political party that wants to enter into the ruthless political struggle for the future, then we heard a voice: Do you believe that you few can do it, do you really believe that a couple of guys can do it? Because we understood that we had an immense battle ahead of us but also that anything created by men can be destroyed by other men. And another conviction has arisen within us, that this can not be a matter of whether we think we can do it, but only a question of whether we believe that it is right and that it is necessary, and if it is right and necessary, then it is no longer a question of whether we want to, but rather it is our duty to do what we feel is necessary.
We did not ask after money and supporters, but we decided to go forth. And while others are working a whole generation, perhaps in order to get a small house or to have a carefree retirement, we put our lives at stake and have begun this difficult struggle. If we win, and we are convinced we will, though we may die penniless we will have helped create the biggest movement which will now extend over all Europe and the whole world. Loud applause The first three principles were clear, and they are inseparable from each other. And we were aware that in this fight we can rely on no one but our own people. We are convinced that socialism in the right sense will only be possible in nations and races that are Aryan, and there in the first place we hope for our own people and are convinced that socialism is inseparable from nationalism. Loud applause To be nationalist does not mean for us to belong to one party or another, but to show with every action that one benefits the people; it means love for all the people without exception. From this point of view we will realize that it is necessary to preserve the most precious thing a people has, the sum of all active creative powers of its workers, to keep it healthy in body and soul.
Cheers And this view of nationalism compels us to immediately form a front against its opposite, the Semitic conception of the idea of people Volk , and especially against the Semitic concept of work. Since we are socialists, we must necessarily also be antisemites because we want to fight against the very opposite: materialism and mammonism. And when today the Jew still runs into our factories and says: How can you be a socialist antisemite? Are not you ashamed? Hear, hear There comes a time when it will be obvious that socialism can only be carried out accompanied by nationalism and antisemitism. The three concepts are inseparably connected. They are the foundations of our program and therefore we call ourselves National Socialists. Cheers How to proceed Finally, we know how great the social reforms must be so that Germany may recover.
We know that one will have to cut deep. We will not be able to come around the national problem and the issue of land reform, and the problem of care for all those who, day after day, are working for the community and in their old age this care must not be a pittance, but they have a right to have their old days be still worth living. If we wish to make these social reforms, this must go hand in hand with the fight against the enemy of every social institution: Jewry. Here too we know that scientific knowledge can only be the groundwork, but that behind this knowledge must stand an organization which one day will be able to go over into action. And in this action we will remain adamant, which means: removal of Jews from amongst our people Loud and long sustained applause and clapping , not because we begrudge them their existence — we congratulate the rest of the world on account of their visits great hilarity — but because we value the existence of our own people a thousand times higher than that of an alien race. And since we are convinced that this scientific antisemitism that clearly recognizes the terrible danger of this race for any people can only be a guide, and the masses will always perceive them emotionally — for they know the Jew first and foremost as the man in daily life who always and everywhere sticks out — our concern must be to arouse in our people the instinct against Jewry and whip it up and stir, until they come to the decision to join the movement which is willing to take the consequences. Bravo and applause. Some people tell us: Whether you succeed depends eventually on whether you have the sufficient money and so on.
To this, I think I can say the following: Even the power of money is somehow limited; there is a certain limit beyond which, eventually, not the money rules but the truth. And we do not despair if we maybe still stand alone, if we today, wherever we go, do see potential supporters but nowhere the courage to join the organization. That should not lead us astray; we have accepted the fight and we must win it. I could predict it back then because I knew that the courage and the will to act were absent everywhere. We have proclaimed as our election platform only one thing: Let the others go to the polls today, to the Reichstag, to the parliaments and loll in their club chairs; we want to climb up the beer tables and pull the masses with us. Tirelessly and constantly, as long as we have a spark of strength and a breath in the lungs, we will come out and call all our people; and always tell the truth until we can begin to hope that this truth will prevail. Till the day finally comes when our words fall silent and action begins. Pause and discussion Closing remarks of the speaker Hitler: Ladies and gentlemen!
We are not as dreadful as our primary enemy and we cannot shatter Jewry by ourselves; we do not imagine it is so easy. However, we have decided not to come with any buts and ifs. But once the matter comes to the solution, it will be done, and done thoroughly. Then a gentleman said that our movement would mean a battle into which the working class would be drawn. Yes, and we the social democrats and communists? That mistake we will not make. We do not promise any Heaven but the one thing, that if you are determined to carry out this program in Germany, maybe once again the time will come in which you will be able to have a life. If you carry out the glorious reform which these gentlemen here wish, you will in an even shorter time face the need to embellish this life with the very same decrees which their leaders Trotsky and Lenin issue now: Those who are not willing to fight for the blessings of that State, die.
Finally, he said that they opposed any capitalism. My esteemed audience! The communists have so far merely been fighting industrial capital and have only hung industrial capitalists. But name me one Jewish capitalist whom they have hung. The Soviet Government itself admits this now. Among those 300,000 is not a single Jew! Is that persecution of Jews or rather, in the truest sense of the word, persecution of Christians? Hear, hear Then you said you fought against both the loan capital and industrial capital.
But you have so far combated neither the one nor the other. You cannot fight the industrial capital, at most destroy it, and then you must again start with a 12-hour working day to rebuild it. This one is paying you.
Die Rede Adolf Hitlers – Речь Адольфа Гитлера
| Высказывания адольфа гитлера. Цитаты на немецком языке с переводом | Вот, что говорил Адольф Гитлер. Цитаты и афоризмы Гитлера были представлены выше. |
| Цитаты Гитлера | Главная» Новости» Фразы гитлера на немецком. |
| Adolf Hitler – Wikiquote | Главная» Новости» Выступление гитлера на немецком кричит. |
| Hitler Speech: April 28, 1939 | A speech by Adolf Hitler on foreign policy from 1937. |
Выдержки из стенографической записи высказываний Гитлера
Now these are all difficult problems. It is not Germany who is responsible for them, however, but rather the jugglers of Versailles, who either in their maliciousness or their thoughtlessness placed 100 powder barrels round about in Europe, all equipped with hardly extinguishable lighted fuses. These problems cannot be solved according to old-fashioned ideas; I think, rather, that we should adopt new methods. Their importance is exclusively psychological and economic.
To accord military importance to a traffic route of this kind, would be to show oneself completely ignorant of military affairs. Consequently, I have had the following proposal submitted to the Polish Government:- 1 Danzig returns as a Free State into the framework of the German Reich. In return, Germany is prepared:- 1 To recognise all Polish economic rights in Danzig.
The Polish Government have rejected my offer and have only declared that they are prepared 1 to negotiate concerning the question of a substitute for the Commissioner of the League of Nations and 2 to consider facilities for the transit traffic through the Corridor. I have regretted greatly this incomprehensible attitude of the Polish Government, but that alone is not the decisive fact, the worst is that now Poland, like Czecho-Slovakia a year ago, believes, under the pressure of a lying international campaign, that it must call up troops, although Germany on her part has not called up a single man and had not thought of proceeding in any way against Poland. As I have said, this is in itself very regrettable and posterity will one day decide whether it was really right to refuse this suggestion made this once by me.
This-as I have said-was an endeavour on my part to solve a question which intimately affects the German people by a truly unique compromise, and to solve it to the advantage of both countries. According to my conviction Poland was not a giving party in this solution at all but only a receiving party, because it should be beyond all doubt that Danzig will never become Polish. The intention to attack on the part of Germany, which was merely invented by the international press, led as you know to the so-called guarantee offer and to an obligation on the part of the Polish Government for mutual assistance, which would also, under certain circumstances, compel Poland to take military action against Germany in the event of a conflict between Germany and any other Power and in which England, in her turn, would be involved.
This obligation is contradictory to the agreement which I made with Marshal Pilsudski some time ago, seeing that in this agreement reference is made exclusively to existing obligations, that is at that time, namely, to the obligations of Poland towards France of which we were aware. To extend these obligations subsequently is contrary to the terms of the German-Polish non-aggression pact. Under these circumstances I should not have entered into this pact at that time, because what sense can non-aggression pacts have if in practice leaves open an enormous number of one partner exceptions.
There is either collective security, that is collective insecurity and continuous danger of war, or clear agreements which, however, exclude fundamentally any use of arms between the contracting parties. I therefore look upon the agreement which Marshal Pilsudski and I at one time concluded as having been unilaterally infringed by Poland and thereby no longer in existence!
Introduction The documents with the speech contained details that set the scene of what it was like on that October evening in Passau in 1928. The translation and original German version are both below: English From the outset, the large National Socialist mass meeting scheduled for 6:00 p. Countless Hitlerites and interested parties had gathered from near and far, especially a large number from our sister country Austria.
All Volks-u. Professions could be seen represented here. The well-manned orchestra, consisting exclusively of uniformed Hitlerites, knew how to fill the musical part of the evening in an excellent way. The orchestra let out a dashing march. Subsequently, the local group leader of the N.
Passau, Herr Eichmeister Fischer, officially the meeting, greeted those who appeared cordially, paying special attention to the Austrians. At 8:12 p. Hitler then took the floor... Alle Volks-u. Das Orchester liess einen schneidigen Marsch vernehmen.
Before mentioning Christianity, Hitler appeared to have made references to the purported dangers of open borders. The meme said: "We tolerate no one in our ranks who attacks the ideas of Christianity. We bolded it below: English Through the limitless sense of sacrifice that already enthralls millions today, a sense of sacrifice that also reaches beyond the borders of the country. She has already driven a symbol beyond the marked German borders.
Only when they became shaky in their rule, he suddenly became a populist and discovered his wide open heart for the needs of the broad masses. So it was in Rome, as we know. We know that the Jew used Christianity, not out of love for Christ, but partly because he knew that this new religion questioned all earthly power and so it became an axe at the root of the Roman state, the state which was built on the authority of the public servant. He did the same 2000 years ago, and we know that this new Teaching was nothing else than a resurrection of the old truism that people in a state should have legal rights and, above all, that equal duties should give equal rights. This obvious Teaching was gradually turned against the Jew himself, as the similar Teaching of socialism has to turn on the Hebrew race today, its distorters and corrupters. We know that throughout the middle Ages the Jew infiltrated all European states, behaving like a parasite, using new principles and ways which the people did not know then. And from a nomad he became a greedy and bloodthirsty robber of our time. And he went so far that people after people rebelled and attempted to shake him off. We know it is untrue when people say that the Jew was forced to this activity; he could easily acquire land. And he did acquire land but not to work it but in order to use it as a trade object, just as he does today. Our forefathers were wiser; they knew that land was holy and they excluded the Jew from it, Lively ovation and if the Jew ever had the intention to tend the land and build a state, he could easily have done so at the time when whole new continents were discovered. He could easily have done it if only he used a small part of his power, craftiness, cunning, brutality and ruthlessness, as well as some of his financial resources. Because if this power was sufficient to subdue whole peoples, it would have been more than sufficient to build their own state. If only he had had the basic condition for this, which is a will to work, but not in the sense of usurious trade but in the sense in which millions work in order to keep a state going. Instead, we see him also today as a destroyer. In these days we see a great transformation: the Jew was once a Court Jew, submissive to his master he knew how to make the master pliable in order to dominate his subjects. For this purpose he whetted the appetites of these great men for unattainable things, extended the credit and soon turned them into debtors. In this way he himself got power over peoples. And he played this game with the same cruelty as, a few years later, the humanistic and philanthropic Jew whose wealth did not suffer at all when he showed his humanitarianism and his spirit of sacrifice to our people. Because he felt that the ground began to burn under his feet. The ethical duty to work Gradually, he also had to lead an existential struggle against the growing awakening and anger of the people. This forced him to lay his hands on the inner structure of the states if he wanted to remain the master of the peoples. We see the resulting destruction in three areas, namely those same three areas which were preserving and developing the states. The first area was the fight against the principle of the ethical duty to work. The Jew had found another kind of work for himself where he could earn gold without practically moving a finger. He developed a principle which, throughout millennia, made it possible for him to amass fortunes without sweat and toil, unlike all other mortals, and above all — without taking risk. What is industrial capital? It is a constantly changing factor, a relative concept. Once it was a needle and thread, a workshop and a couple of cents in ready money which a tailor in Nurnberg possessed in the 13th century. It was a sum that made work possible, that is: tools, workshops and a certain amount of money in order to survive for a period of time. Gradually, this small workshop became a big factory. But workshops and tools, machines and factories have, per se, no value able to produce value but are a means to an end. What produces value is work, and the few cents which made it possible to survive difficult times and buy some fabrics, multiplied through time, stand before us today — we call it Capital for continued operation in bad times, that is Working Capital. Here I want to emphasize one thing: Tools, workshop, machine, factory — or working capital, that is, industrial capital — against this you cannot fight at all. You can perhaps make sure that it is not abused but you cannot fight against it. This is the first major scam that one makes to our people, and they make it to distract us from the real fight, to pull it off from the capital which should and must be fought — from the loan and financial capital. Stormy bravo! This capital arises in a very different way. The smallest master craftsman was dependent on the fate that might affect him every day, on the general situation in the middle Ages, perhaps on the size of his city and its prosperity, the security in this city. Also today is this capital, that is, the industrial capital tied to the state and to the people, depending on the will of the people to work, but depending also on the possibility to procure raw materials in order to be able to offer work and find buyers who will really buy the product. And we know that a collapse of the state, under certain circumstances, renders the greatest values worthless, devalues them, as distinguished from the other capital, the finance and loan capital, which accrues interest very evenly without any regard to whether the owner, for example, of these 10,000 Mark himself passes away or not. The debt remains on the estate. We know that this railway fortunately has now a 20 billion deficit but their bonds must bear interest, and even though they were sold, in part, more than 60 years ago and have already been repaid four times, the debt, the interest, runs further, and while a great nation gains nothing on this company, it still must bleed; the loan capital continues to grow completely irrespective of any outside disturbance. Here we already see the first possibility, namely that this kind of money-making, which is independent of all the events and incidents of daily life, must necessarily, because it is never hindered and always runs evenly, gradually lead to huge capitals which are so enormous that they ultimately have only one fault, namely the difficulty of their further accommodation. To accommodate this capital, you have to proceed to destroying whole states, to destroy entire cultures, to abolish national industries — not to socialize, but to throw all into the jaws of this international capital — because this capital is international, as the only thing on this Earth that is truly international. It is international because its carrier, the Jews, are international through their distribution across the world. Consent And already here one should knock oneself on the head and say: if this capital is international because its carrier is distributed internationally, it must be madness to think that this capital can be fought internationally with the help of the members of the same race which possesses it. Hear, hear Fire is not extinguished by fire but by water and the international capital belonging to the international Jew can only be broken by a national force. Bravo and applause! So, this capital has grown to incredibly large proportions and today virtually rules the Earth, still eerily growing and — the worst! For it is appalling that the common man who has to bear the burden in order to return the capital sees that, despite his hard work, diligence, thrift and in spite of the real work, he is hardly able to nourish himself and still less to dress, while this international capital devours billions just in interest, which he also must supply, and at the same time a whole racial stratum which does no other work than collect interest and cut coupons, spreads in the state. This is a degradation of any honest work, for every honestly working man must ask today: Does it have a purpose at all that I work? Yes, one of the foundations of our strength is being destroyed, namely the ethical concept of work, and that was the brilliant idea of Karl Marx to falsify the ethical concept of work, and the whole mass of the people who groan under the Capital are to be organized for the destruction of the national economy and for the protection of international finance-and-loan capital. Stormy applause We know that today 15 billion of industry capital is facing 500 billion of loan capital. These 15 billion of industry capital is invested in creative values, while this 500 billion loan capital, which we always get in spoonful rates of 6 and 7 billion and which we use in periods of 1 to 2 months to supplement our rations a little, these 6 to 7 billion today which are decreed almost worthless scraps of paper, at a later date, should we ever recover, will have to be repaid in high quality money i. This is not only the destruction of a state, but already the application of a chain, of a neck collar for later times. National purity as a source of strength The second pillar against which the Jew as a parasite turns, and must turn, is the national purity as a source of the strength of a nation. The Jew, who is himself a nationalist more than any other nation, who through millennia did not mix with any other race, uses intermingling just for others to degenerate them in the best case; this same Jew preaches every day with thousands of tongues, from 19,000 papers in Germany alone, that all nations on Earth are equal, that international solidarity should bind all the peoples, that no people can lay a claim to a special status etc. What a nation means, he, who himself never dreams of climbing down to those to whom he preaches internationalism, knows well. First a race must be denationalized. First it must unlearn that its power is in its blood, and when it has reached the level where it has no more pride, the result is a product, a second race, which is lower than the previous one and the Jew needs the lower one in order to organize his final world domination. In order to build it and keep it, he lowers the racial level of the other peoples, so that only he is racially pure and able to eventually rule over all the others. We know that the Hindus in India are a mixed people, stemming from the high Aryan immigrants and from the dark aborigines. And this nation bears the consequences, for it is a slave nation of a race that may seem in many ways almost as a second Jewry. Another problem is the problem of physical decomposition of races. The Jew is trying to eliminate all of which he knows that is somehow strengthening, muscle-steeling, and eliminate above all everything of that which he knows may keep a race so healthy that it will remain determined not to tolerate among themselves national criminals, pests to the national community, but under some circumstances, punish them with death. And that is his great fear and worry; for even the heaviest latches of the safest prison are not so tough, and the prison is not so safe that a few million could not open it eventually. Only one lock is permanent, and that is death, and in front of it he has the most awe. And therefore he seeks to abolish this barbaric punishment everywhere where he lives as a parasite. But wherever he already is, Lord, it is used ruthlessly. Loud applause And, for the breaking of physical strength, he has excellent means at hand. First of all, he has the trade that should be nothing more than distribution of foodstuffs and other necessary items for daily use. He uses it to withdraw these articles of daily life, when necessary, in order to raise the price on the one hand, but also to withdraw in order to create the conditions for physical weakening which have always worked best: hunger. Everywhere, what we see behind these organizations is not the desire to make a shining organization for food supply, but through them gradually to create hunger. We know that as a politician he never had reason and cause to shun the hunger, on the contrary, wherever the Jew appeared in political parties, hunger and misery was the only soil in which he could grow. He desires it, and therefore he does not even think of easing social misery. He was a leading proponent of a policy of assimilation for German Jews ] Hand in hand with this goes a battle against the health of the people. He knows how to turn all the healthy normal manners, the obvious hygienic rules of a race on its head, from night he makes day; he creates the notorious nightlife and knows exactly that it works slowly but surely, gradually destroying the healthy strength of a race, making it soft; the one is destroyed physically, the other spiritually, and into the heart of the third it puts the hatred as he has to see the others feast. And finally, as a last resort, he destroys the productive capacity, and if necessary, in connection with it, the productive resources of a nation. That is the great mystery of Russia. They have destroyed factories, not because they knew they would no longer be needed, but because they knew that the people would be forced, with enormous hardships, to replace what had been destroyed. So the Jew succeeds in harnessing the people, instead of the former 9 and 10 hours, for 12 hours. For at the moment when the Jew becomes Lord, he knows no 8-hour day, he recognizes his Sabbath for his cattle, but not for the Goyim, for the Akum [words for non-Jews]. The destruction of culture Finally, he reaches for the last method: The destruction of all culture, of all that we consider as belonging in a state which we consider civilized. Here is his work perhaps most difficult to recognize, but here the actual effect is the most terrible. This is true inner experience, unlike the other ones, which are only superficial swindle Applause , set in the world with an intent to gradually destroy in the people any healthy idea and to whip the people into a state in which no one can understand whether the times are crazy, or whether he himself is mad. Big laughter and applause. Just as he works in painting, sculpture and music, so he does in poetry and especially in literature. Here he has a great advantage. What has become of it? A place which today you are ashamed to enter unless someone might notice you the moment you go in. And if theater has become a hotbed of vice and shamelessness, then a thousand times more so that new invention which perhaps comes from genial inspiration, but which the Jew understood right away to remodel into the filthiest business that you can imagine: the cinema. Thunderous applause and clapping.
Древний мир был таким чистым, светлым и безмятежным, потому что в нём не знали двух великих зол: чумы и христианства. Дружба с церковью может обойтись очень дорого. Ибо, если я достиг чего-либо, мне придется во всеуслышание объявить: я добился этого только с благословения церкви. Так я лучше сделаю это без ее благословения, и мне никто не предъявит счет. Если бы не опасность распространения большевизма по всей Европе, я бы не стал препятствовать революции в Испании, там бы истребили всех попов. У нас не было сомнений, что людям нужна, необходима эта вера. Поэтому мы повели борьбу с атеистическим движением… мы вырвали его с корнем. Сила христианства состояла, например, вовсе не в попытках соглашения и примирения, скажем, с близкими ему философскими мнениями древних. Она состояла в непреклонной фанатической защите только одного своего собственного учения. Русские получили право напасть на своих священников, но они не имеют права нападать на идею высшей силы. Это факт, что мы ничтожные творения, и что творческая сила существует. Секулярные школы недопустимы, поскольку в них нет религиозного обучения, а общее нравственное обучение вне религиозной основы построено на воздухе… Нам нужны верующие люди. Мои христианские чувства указывают мне, что мой Господь и Спаситель — борец. Они указывают на человека, который… распознал истинную сущность евреев и призвал людей к борьбе против них… И при таком положении вещей католические и протестантские лагеря не умеют соединиться против врагов человечества, а вместо этого подумывают, как бы уничтожить друг друга! О национал-социализме Мы, национал-социалисты, являемся хранителями высших арийских ценностей на земле. За себя же и за всех подлинных национал-социалистов я скажу: для нас существует только одна доктрина — народ и отечество. Национал-социализм станет хозяином улицы, а потом и хозяином государства. Мы ведём борьбу за обеспечение существования и за распространение нашей расы и нашего народа. Мы ведем борьбу за обеспечение пропитания наших детей, за чистоту нашей крови, за свободу и независимость нашего отечества. Зло угрожает каждому человеку и даже ребенку нашей великой нации. Мы должны предпринять шаги по обеспечению безопасности и защиты нашей родины. Грехи против крови и расы — самые страшные грехи на этом свете. Каждое поколение должно поучаствовать в войне. Для трусливых народов нет места на земле. Народы ислама к нам будут всегда намного ближе, чем например, Франция. Зачем нам национализировать банки, заводы? Мы национализируем людей. Высшей целью человечества является ни в коем случае не сохранение данной государственной формы или тем более данного правительства, а сохранение народного начала. Воспитать широкие массы народа в национальном духе можно только на путях поднятия их социального уровня. Движению нашему не смогли повредить никакие преследования его вождей, никакая клевета, никакая напраслина. Из всех преследований оно выходило все более и более сильным, потому что идеи наши верны, цели наши чисты и готовность наших сторонников к самопожертвованию — вне всякого сомнения. О власти Лишь та государственная власть имеет право на уважение и на поддержку, которая выражает стремления и чувства народа или по крайней мере не приносит ему вреда. Страх — величайшее оружие государства. Когда люди боятся, они подчиняются. Как дети, которые следуют за вами, если пообещать им защиту. Когда правительственная власть все те средства, какими она располагает, употребляет на то, чтобы вести целый народ к гибели, тогда не только правом, но и обязанностью каждого сына народа является бунт.
"Why We Are Antisemites" - Text of Adolf Hitler's 1920 speech at the Hofbräuhaus
Кстати, цитата на немецком не бьется в отрыве от этой фотографии. Личный архитектор Гитлера Альберт Шпеер вспоминал, как Гитлеру донесли новость о побеге. Полный текст заявления главаря нацистской Германии Адольфа Гитлера о необходимости уничтожения славян впервые опубликован в России, сообщили РИА Новости в Российском военно-историческом обществе (РВИО).
Цитаты Гитлера на немецком
Кстати, цитата на немецком не бьется в отрыве от этой фотографии. Немецкий является языком оригинала многих из нижеприведенных цитат, потому что среди немцев было много великих людей. Ja, das deutsche Volk war ja damals eine Demokratie, vor uns, Und es ist ausgeplündert und ausgepresst worden. Nein, was heißt für diese internationalen Hyänen Demokratie oder autoritärer Staat? Das interessiert die gar nicht. Es interessiert sie nur eines: Ist jemand bereit, sich ausplündern. Полный текст заявления главаря нацистской Германии Адольфа Гитлера о необходимости уничтожения славян впервые опубликован в России, сообщили РИА Новости в Российском военно-историческом обществе (РВИО). In seiner Ansprache vor dem deutschen Reichstag am 1. September 1939 rechtfertigte Reichskanzler Adolf Hitler den deutschen Angriff auf Polen. Die Rede war nicht nur an die anwesenden Reichstagsabgeordneten gerichtet: Durch Radioübertragung und Übersetzungen wurde Sorge.